European Elections | The Political Bookie

[GUIDE] So you're an American who wants to live in Europe, eh?

Hi all, I wanted to put together a brief overview or sort of wiki thing for one of the biggest groups I see on here: Americans wanting to move to Europe. If you have questions or more to add (or you disagree!) please leave a comment and I can edit my post accordingly.
DISCLOSURE: I'm just an American guy who did it myself, and I see a lot of people who seem to want to move to Europe. Your experience may vary... dramatically. I'm sure plenty of people will take exception

So you want to move to Europe, huh?

Welp, you're probably not the first person to think of that. Before you make the leap, I think it would be helpful to hear a few things from someone who has done the leap before. Twice, actually.
My background: I am a 35 year old college degreed (Bachelor's degree only) man with a wife and two kids. When I moved to Germany in 2014, I was only a US Citizen, though I was pursuing Italian Citizenship via Jure Sanguinis. My first move to Europe had me qualifying via a Blue Card, but now I have an Italian passport and moved back to Germany this year.
OK, enough about me. Before you move, you need to really think about what you're trying to accomplish by moving to Europe.
Why do you want to move?
Do you realize moving to a foreign country sucks?
OK, yes, I've done it twice now. But suggesting that it's "easy" by any stretch of the imagination would be laughable at best. Moving to a foreign country means dealing with differences, many of them bigger than any differences you've ever had to deal with in your life. The cultural differences can be massive, and can even hurt your professional life as you struggle to adjust.
Besides these things, there's the elements of just moving to a place where you don't know anyone, have very few common cultural experiences with which to build friendships, and perhaps other European cultures are less friendship inclined than America (my experience is that it has been very tough to make German friends due to them tending to stay in their own friends circle from their early adult years throughout the remainder of their life)
You may not be welcome here OK so a few elements to this. First of all, in a foreign country in which you aren't a citizen, you are, by default, a guest. That means that at any time, you could be potentially deported if you Fuck Up Real Big™. It doesn't happen a lot, but understand that you're at a huge disadvantage of not 1) Knowing the rules very well because you didn't grow up with the same rules. 2) Don't speak the language so you can't get yourself out of trouble as easily and 3) The local government doesn't need to put up with your shit if they don't want to, unlike a citizen.
But besides this, remember how you didn't like the American politics? You know who else might not? Your neighbors, or your coworkers. You know how some Americans have hostility towards immigrants for the perception of stealing their jobs? Yeah, that exists everywhere and you're going to just have to deal with it. For most Redditors, I'm assuming many of you are on the upper social rungs of society... As an expat or immigrant, you're brought down a few notches.
What would you say you do here?
I've seen a lot of posts where people have no education, skills, or language, and want to move to a particular European country. Dude, really? Going back to my previous point, you're about to be a guest in a country. Who wants a guest who shows up to the party and just drinks too much of the host's beer, throws up on the coffee table, and breaks a vase before going home scot-free?
Edit: A possible opportunity exists if you have Italian, Irish, or Jewish-German ancestry, in which case you may have a claim to citizenship. That is a great question to ask here on the sub.
This goes for "free education" too. Coming to Europe simply to save on school fees (funded by taxpaying local citizens) and then going home? Kind of a dick move, to be fair, and gives some people a bad reputation. If you're truly looking to emigrate (for a long-ish time) then pursue the education, it's definitely your best way into Europe if you are at that stage of your life, but just make sure you find a way to provide value to your host country.
If you do have some semblance of job skills, your best bet is likely to pursue an opportunity through a multinational US corporation with a European presence. That'll likely help you deal with the aforementioned cultural gaps (since they'll be used to American culture), and may allow you to get a visa through company transfer, rather than having to compete for a Blue Card or some other heavily contested visa.
The Blue Card is probably the best approach if you're a seasoned veteran. That's how I was able to make my first European move, but it required me being an executive in an industry that's decently small for them to make the case that they couldn't find someone to do my job who already was within the EU. If you have high skills and a strong career, you will have an easy path. If you do not, the best way is to figure out how to get into this skillset in the US then transfer over. (My opinion here only)
Are things really that bad for you? Is the grass really greener?
The US offers unprecedented opportunity, a market of 350 million English speakers, geographic and cultural variety, and perhaps most important to some of you: the world's strongest wage environment. Expect to take a 30-50% paycut if you move to Europe. My US company started analysts at $60,000 per year. The company in Europe I went to had the same role and they made 28,000 EUR. Coupled with the taxes, your take home will be a lot less. Sure, you might spend less on rent, healthcare, car, etc., but it's something to think about before pulling the trgger.
Other things to consider:
That's all I have for now, but I'm sure more things will pop into my head.
If you're still not scared through all this, go for it. It's very rewarding, but it'll be a huge challenge (and for those of us who love the challenge, it makes you a better person!)
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The truth behind Puskás Akadémia FC - How Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán stole a legend, built a stadium in his backyard and guided his team to Europe

The 2019/2020 season of the Hungary’s National Football League (NB1) – being one of the first leagues to restart play - came to an end on 27 June. If a casual observer (for whatever reason) decides to check out the final standings, he would be not surprised at the first two positions: record-champion Ferencváros defended their title, while regional powerhouse Fehérvár (Videoton) came in second. However, the third place team, Puskás Akadémia FC might seem unusual and one could think that there is a story behind that. Is there a team named after Ferenc Puskás? Did some academy youths make an incredible run for the Europa League qualification? Well, the observer is right, there is a story behind all this, but it’s absolutely not a fun story. It’s a story about how one powerful man’s obsession with football stole a legend, misused state funds and killed the spirit of Hungarian football. (Warning: this is a long story, feel free to scroll down for a tl;dr. Also, I strongly advise checking out the links, those images are worth seeing).
Naturally, political influence in football has been present ever since the dawn of the sport and we know of numerous state leaders who felt confident enough to use their influence to ensure the successful development of their favored clubs – Caucescu’s FC Olt Scornicesti and Erdogan’s Basaksehir are well-known examples of such attempts. However, I fear that very few of the readers are aware of the fact that Puskás Akadémia FC is nothing but Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán’s grandiose project for establishing his hometown’s club as one of the country’s top teams. Considering that Orbán managed to achieve this goal using state funds in an EU member democracy in the 2000s, one might even say that it might be one of the most impressive attempts of cheating your way through Football Manager in real life. Now that Puskás Akadémia FC escaped the desolate football scene of Hungary and is getting ready for the European takeover, I feel that it’s high time to tell its true story.

Part 1: Part time striker, part time PM

Our story begins in 1999 when the 36-year-old striker Viktor Orbán (recently elected as the country’s Prime Minister) was signed by the sixth-tier side of Felcsút FC residing in rural Fejér County. It might sound surprising that an active politician would consider such a side job, but given that Orbán has been playing competitive low-level football throughout his whole life and has always been known as a keen football enthusiast, people seemed to be okay with his choice for a hobby. Orbán spent most of his childhood in the village of Felcsút (population: 1,800), so it seemed only natural that he would join the team after one of his old-time acquaintances became team president there.
Orbán’s arrival to the club seemed to work like a charm as Felcsút FC immediately earned a promotion to the fifth league. The Prime Minister’s busy program did not allow him to attend every training session and game but Orbán did make an effort to contribute as much as possible on the field – there is a report of a government meeting being postponed as Orbán was unavailable due to attending Felcsút FC’s spring training camp. The 2001/2002 season brought another breakthrough for the side as Felcsút was promoted to the national level of the football pyramid after being crowned the champion of Fejér County. Sadly enough for Orbán, he suffered a defeat on another pitch – his party lost the 2002 election and Orbán was forced to move to an opposition role.
No matter what happened on the political playing field, Orbán would not abandon his club. Just before the 2002 elections, Felcsút was surprisingly appointed as one of the regional youth development centers by the Hungarian FA. Orbán continued contributing on the field as well (he had more spare time after all) but his off-the-field efforts provided much more value for the team as he used his political influence to convince right-wing businessmen that they should definitely get sponsorship deals done with the fourth-division village team.
Club management was able to transform the influx of funds into on-field success: Felcsút FC was promoted to the third division in 2004 and achieved promotion to the second division in 2005. Although these new horizons required a skill level that an aging ex-PM is not likely to possess, Orbán regularly played as a late game sub and even appeared in cup games against actual professional opponents. The now-42-year old Orbán did not want to face the challenge of the second division, so he retired in 2005 – but this did not stop him from temping as an assistant coach when the head coach was sacked in the middle of the 2005-2006 season.
Success on the playing field did not translate to political success: Orbán lost the elections once again in 2006. However, this was only a temporary loss: the ruling party committed blunder after blunder and by early 2007 it became absolutely obvious that Orbán would be able return to power in 2010. Now confident in his political future, Orbán opted for the acceleration of football development in Felcsút – by late 2007 he took over the presidency of the club to take matters in his own hands. Sponsors seeking to gain favor with the soon-to-be PM were swarming Felcsút FC, so the club was able to stand very strong in an era where financial stability was a very rare sight in the Hungarian football scene, accumulating three medals (but no promotion) between 2007 and 2009.
On the other hand, Orbán realized the value of youth development as well, and started a local foundation for this purpose back in 2004 that gathered funds for the establishment a boarding school-like football academy. The academy opened its doors in September 2006 (only the second of such institutions in the country) and Orbán immediately took upon the challenge of finding an appropriate name for the academy.
He went on to visit the now very sick Ferenc Puskás in the hospital to discuss using his name, but as Puskás’ medical situation was deteriorating rapidly, communication attempts were futile. Luckily enough Puskás’ wife (and soon to be widow) was able to act on his incapable husband’s behalf and approved the naming deal in a contract. According to the statement, naming rights were granted without compensation, as “Puskás would have certainly loved what’s happening down in Felcsút”. However, there was much more to the contract: Puskás’ trademark was handed to a sports journalist friend of Orbán (György Szöllősi, also acting communications director of the academy) who promised a hefty annual return for the family (and also a 45% share of the revenue for himself). Ferenc Puskás eventually died on 17 November 2006 and on 26 November 2006 the football academy was named after him: Puskás Academy was born.
Orbán shared his vision of the whole organization after the opening ceremony: “It’s unreasonable to think that Felcsút should have a team in the top division. We should not flatter ourselves, our players and our supporters with this dream. Our long term ambition is the creation of a stable second division team that excels in youth development and provides opportunity for the talents of the future.” Let’s leave that there.

Part 2: No stadium left behind

Orbán became PM once again in April 2010 after a landslide victory that pretty much granted him unlimited power. He chased lots of political agendas but one of his policies was rock solid: he would revive sports (and especially football) that was left to bleed out by the previous governments. The football situation in 2010 was quite dire: while the national team has actually made some progress in the recent years and has reached the 42nd position in the world rankings, football infrastructure was in a catastrophic state. Teams were playing in rusty stadiums built in the communist era, club finances were a mess, youth teams couldn’t find training grounds and the league was plagued by violent fan groups and lackluster attendance figures (3100 average spectators per game in the 2009/2010 season).
Orbán – aided by the FA backed by business actors very interested in making him happy – saw the future in the total rebuild of the football infrastructure. Vast amounts of state development funds were invested into the football construction industry that warmly welcomed corruption, cost escalation and shady procurement deals. In the end, money triumphed: over the last decade, new stadiums sprung out from nothing all over the country, dozens of new academies opened and pitches for youth development appeared on practically every corner. The final piece of the stadium renovation program was the completion of the new national stadium, Puskás Aréna in 2019 (estimated cost: 575 million EUR). Orbán commemorated this historic moment with a celebratory video on his social media that features a majestic shot of Orbán modestly kicking a CGI ball from his office to the new stadium.
Obviously, Orbán understood that infrastructure alone won’t suffice. He believed in the idea that successful clubs are the cornerstone of a strong national side as these clubs would compete in a high quality national league (and in international tournaments) that would require a constant influx of youth players developed by the clubs themselves. However, Orbán was not really keen on sharing the state’s infinite wealth with private club owners who failed to invest in their clubs between 2002 and 2010. The club ownership takeover was not that challenging as previous owners were usually happy to cut their losses, and soon enough most clubs came under Orbán’s influence. Some clubs were integrated deep into Orbán’s reach (Ferencváros and MTK Budapest club presidents are high ranking officials of Orbán’s party) while in other cases, indirect control was deemed sufficient (Diósgyőri VTK was purchased by a businessman as an attempt to display loyalty to Orbán).
Pouring taxpayer money into infrastructure (stadium) projects is relatively easy: after all, we are basically talking about overpriced government construction projects, there’s nothing new there. On the other hand, allocating funds to clubs that should be operating on a competitive market is certainly a tougher nut to crack. The obvious solutions were implemented: the state media massively overpaid for broadcasting rights and the national sports betting agency also pays a hefty sum to the FA, allowing for a redistribution of considerable amounts. However, given that the income side of Hungarian clubs was basically non-existent (match day income is negligible, the failed youth development system does not sell players), an even more radical solution was desperately needed. Also, there was definite interest in the development of a tool that would allow for differentiation between clubs (as in the few remaining non-government affiliated clubs should not receive extra money).
The solution came in 2011: the so-called TAO (“társasági adó” = corporate tax) system was introduced, granting significant tax deductions for companies if they offered a portion of their profits to sports clubs – however, in theory, funds acquired through TAO can be only used for youth development and infrastructure purposes. Soon enough, it became apparent that state authorities were not exactly interested in the enforcement of these restrictions, so some very basic creative accounting measures enabled clubs to use this income for anything they wanted to. Companies were naturally keen on cutting their tax burdens and scoring goodwill with the government, so TAO money immediately skyrocketed. Opportunistic party strongmen used their influence to convince local business groups to invest in the local clubs, enabling for the meteoric rise of multiple unknown provincial teams (Mezőkövesd [pop: 16,000], Kisvárda [pop: 16,000], Balmazújváros [pop: 17,000]) into the first division.
Although it’s not the main subject of this piece, I feel inclined to show you the actual results of Orbán’s grandiose football reform. While we do have our beautiful stadiums, we don’t exactly get them filled – league attendance has stagnated around 3000 spectators per game throughout the whole decade. We couldn’t really move forward with our national team either: Hungary lost 10 positions in the FIFA World Rankings throughout Orbán’s ten years. On the other hand, the level of league has somewhat improved – Videoton and Ferencváros reached the Europa League group stage in 2019 and 2020, respectively. Too bad that the Instat-based top team of 2019/2020 Hungarian league consists of 10 foreigners and only 1 Hungarian: the goalkeeper.

Part 3: Small place, big game!

As seen in the previous chapter, Orbán did have a strong interest in the improvement of the football situation Hungary, but we shouldn’t forget that his deepest interest and true loyalty laid in the wellbeing of Felcsút and its academy. Now that Orbán had limitless means to see to the advancement of his beloved club, he got to work immediately. Orbán handed over formal club management duties to his friend / protégé / middleman / businessman Lőrinc Mészáros in 2010, but no questions would ever arise of who is actually calling the shots.
First of all, no club can exist without a proper stadium. Although in 2011 Orbán explicitly stated that “Felcsút does not need a stadium as stadiums belong to cities”, no one was really surprised in 2012 when the construction of the Felcsút stadium was announced. Orbán was generous enough to donate the lands just in front of his summer home in the village for the project, locating the entrance a mere ten meters away from his residence. Construction works for the stunningly aesthetic 3,800-seater arena (in a village of 1,800 people) started in April 2012 and were completed in April 2014, making Felcsút’s arena the second new stadium of Orbán’s gigantic stadium revival program.
The estimated budget of the construction was 120 million EUR (31,500 EUR / seat) was financed by the Puskás Academy who explicitly stated that they did not use government funds for the project. Technically, this statement is absolutely true as the construction was financed through the TAO money offered by the numerous companies looking for tax deduction and Orbán’s goodwill. However, technically, this means that the country’s budget was decreased by 120 million EUR unrealized tax revenue. Naturally, the gargantuan football stadium looks ridiculously out of place in the small village, but there’s really no other way to ensure that your favorite team’s stadium is within 20 seconds of walking distance from your home.
Obviously, a proper club should also have some glorious history. Felcsút was seriously lagging behind on this matter as though Felcsút FC was founded in 1931, it spent its pre-Orbán history in the uninspiring world of the 5th-7th leagues of the country. Luckily enough, Orbán had already secured Puskás’ naming rights and they were not afraid to use it, so Felcsút FC was renamed to Puskás Academy FC in 2009. The stadium name was a little bit problematic as the Hungarian national stadium in Budapest had sadly had the dibs on Puskás’ name, so they had to settle with Puskás’ Spanish nickname, resulting in the inauguration of the Pancho Arena. But why stop here? Orbán’s sports media strongman György Szöllősi acted upon the contract with Puskás’ widow and transferred all Puskás’ personal memorabilia (medals, jerseys, correspondence) to the most suitable place of all: a remote village in which Puskás never even set foot in.
While the off-field issues were getting resolved, Orbán’s attention shifted to another important area: the actual game of football. Although academy players started to graduate from 2008 on, it very soon became painfully obvious that the academy program couldn’t really maintain even a second division side for now. In 2009, Orbán reached an agreement with nearby Videoton’s owner that effectively transformed Felcsút FC into Videoton’s second team under the name of Videoton – Puskás Akadémia FC. The mutually beneficent agreement would allow Videoton to give valuable playing time to squad players while it could also serve as a skipping step for Puskás Academy’s fresh graduates to a first league team. The collaboration resulted in two mid-table finishes and a bronze medal in the second division in the following three seasons that wasn’t really impressive compared to Felcsút FC’s standalone seasons.
It seemed that the mixture of reserve Videoton players and academy youth was simply not enough for promotion, and although Orbán had assured the public multiple times that his Felcsút project was not aiming for the top flight, very telling changes arose after the 2011/2012 season. Felcsút terminated the Videoton cooperation deal and used the rapidly accumulating TAO funds to recruit experienced players for the now independently operating Puskás Academy FC (PAFC). The new directive worked almost too well: PAFC won its division with a 10 point lead in its first standalone year which meant that they would have to appear in the first league prior to the completion of their brand-new Pancho Arena. Too bad that this glorious result had almost nothing to do with the academy - only two players were academy graduates of the side’s regular starting XI.
Orbán did not let himself bothered with the ridiculousness of an academy team with virtually no academy players being promoted to the first division as he stated that “a marathon runner shouldn’t need to explain why the other runners were much slower than him”. Orbán also displayed a rare burst of modesty as he added that “his team’s right place is not in the first league, and they will soon be overtaken by other, better sides”.
The promotion of PAFC to the first division made a lot of people very angry and been widely regarded as a bad move. Supporter groups were united in hatred all along the league and not surprisingly, away fans almost always outnumbered the home side at PAFC’s temporary home at Videoton’s Sóstói Stadium (demolished and rebuilt in its full glory since then). One of the teams, however, possessed an extraordinary degree of anger against PAFC: supporters of Budapest Honvéd – the only Hungarian team in which Ferenc Puskás played – felt especially awkward about the transfer of their club legend’s heritage to Felcsút. Tensions spiked at the PAFC – Honvéd game when home security forced Honvéd supporters to remove the “Puskás” part of their traditional “Puskás – Kispest – Hungary” banner – the team answered the insult with style as they secured a 4-0 victory supported by fans chanting “you can’t buy legends”.
Despite Orbán’s prognosis, other better sides did not rush to overtake his team, so PAFC, now residing in their brand new Pancho Arena, came through with a 14th and a 10th place in their first two seasons. Naturally, conspiracy theories began to formulate, speculating that government-friendly owners would certainly not be motivated to give their best against PAFC. However, as the league size was reduced to 12 for the 2015/2016 season, PAFC found themselves in a dire situation just before the final round: they needed a win and needed rival Vasas to lose against MTK in order to avoid relegation. PAFC’s draw seemed to be unlucky as they faced their arch-enemy Honvéd at home, but Honvéd displayed an absolute lackluster effort – fueling conspiracy theories – and lost the fixture 2 to 1 against a home side featuring four academy players. Vasas, however, did not disappoint, their 2-0 victory resulted in PAFC’s elimination and a very relaxed sigh all over the football community.
PAFC’s relegation seemed to be in accordance with Orbán’s 2013 statement, so public opinion supposed for a while that Orbán’s project came to a halting point and the Academy would go on to actually field academy players in the second division (especially as rostering foreign players was prohibited in the lower leagues). However, if you have read through this point, you know better than to expect Orbán to retreat – obviously, PAFC came back with a bang. With a ballsy move, PAFC didn’t even sell their foreign players, they just loaned them across the league, promising them that they would be able to return next year to the newly promoted team. The promise was kept as PAFC went into another shopping spree of experienced players (easily convincing lots of them to choose the second division instead of the first) and easily won the second league.
Orbán – now aware of his negligence – opted for the doubling the team’s budget, making PAFC the third most well-founded club in the whole country (only coming short to his friend’s Videoton and his party minion’s Ferencváros). With an actual yearly influx from TAO money in the ballpark of 30-40 million EUR, PAFC management had to really work wonders in creative accounting in order to make their money look somewhat legitimate. The books were now full of ridiculous items like:
Naturally, in the country of no consequences, absolutely nothing happened: PAFC went on with its spending and signed 35 foreigners between 2017 and 2020. They did so because they could not hope to field a winning team in the first league consisting of academy players, despite the fact that Puskás Academy has been literally drowning in money since 2007. This seems to somewhat contradict Orbán’s 2013 promise, stating that “Puskás Academy will graduate two or three players to major European leagues each year”. To be fair, there have been players who managed to emerge to Europe (well, exactly two of them: Roland Sallai plays at Freiburg, László Kleinheisler played at Werder Bremen) but most academy graduates don’t even have the slightest the chance to make their own academy’s pro team as it’s full of foreigners and more experienced players drawn for other teams’ programs.
Despite their unlimited funding, PAFC could not put up a top-tier performance in their first two years back in the first division, finishing 6th and 7th in the 12-team league. Many speculated that the lack of support, motivation and even a clear team mission did not allow for chemistry to develop within the multinational and multi-generational locker room. Consistency was also a rare sight on the coaching side: club management was absolutely impatient with coaches who were very easily released after a single bad spell and there were talks of on-field micromanagement request coming from as high as Orbán.
Even so, their breakthrough came dangerously close in 2018 as PAFC performed consistently well in the cup fixtures and managed to reach the final. Their opponent, Újpest played an incredibly fierce game and after a 2-2 draw, they managed to defeat PAFC in the shootout. Football fans sighed in relief throughout the country as ecstatic Újpest supporters verbally teased a visibly upset Orbán in his VIP lounge about his loss.
Obviously, we could only delay the inevitable. While this year’s PAFC side seemed to be more consistent than its predecessors, it seemed that they won’t be able to get close to the podium - they were far behind the obvious league winner duo of Ferencváros and Videoton and were trailing third-place Mezőkövesd 6 points just before the pandemic break. However, both Mezőkövesd and PAFC’s close rivals DVTK and Honvéd fall flat after the restart while PAFC was able to maintain its good form due to its quality roster depth. PAFC overtook Mezőkövesd after the second-to-last round as Mezőkövesd lost to the later relegated Debrecen side. (Mezőkövesd coach Attila Kuttor was fined harshly because of his post-game comments on how the FA wants PAFC to finish third.)
PAFC faced Honvéd in the last round once again, and as Honvéd came up with its usual lackluster effort, PAFC secured an effortless win, confidently claiming the third place. PAFC celebrated their success in a nearly empty stadium, however neither Orbán, nor Mészáros (club owner, Orbán’s protégé, now 4th richest man of Hungary) seemed to worry about that. While Orbán high-fived with his peers in the VIP lounge, Mészáros was given the opportunity to award the bronze medals (and for some reason, a trophy) to the players dressed up in the incredibly cringe worthy T-shirts that say “Small place, big game!”. Big game, indeed: in the 2019/2020 season, foreign players’ share of the teams playing time was 43.6% while academy graduates contributed only 17.9%.
On Sunday evening, less than 24 hours after PAFC’s glorious success, György Szöllősi, now editor-in-chief of Hungary’s only sports newspaper (purchased by Orbán’s affiliates a few years back) published an editorial on the site, stating that “the soccer rebuild in Felcsút became the motor and symbol of the revitalization of sport throughout the whole country”. Well, Szöllősi is exactly right: Felcsút did became a symbol, but a symbol of something entirely different. Felcsút became a symbol of corruption, inefficiency, lies and the colossal waste of money. But, hey, at least we know now: you only need to spend 200 million EUR (total budget of PAFC and its academy in the 2011-2020 period) if you want to have a Europa League team in your backyard. Good to know!

Epilogue: What's in the future?

As there is no foreseeable chance for political change to happen Hungary (Orbán effortlessly secured qualified majority in 2014 and 2018, and is projected to do so in 2022 as well), PAFC’s future seems to be as bright as it gets. Although consensus opinion now seems to assume that Orbán does not intend to interfere with the Ferencváros – Videoton hegemony, we can never be really sure about the exact limits of his greed. One could also argue that entering the European theater serves as a prime opportunity for making splashy transfers who could be the cornerstones of a side challenging the league title.
However, as all political systems are deemed to fall, eventually Orbán’s regime will come apart. Whoever will take upon the helm after Orbán, they will certainly begin with cutting back on the one item on Orbán’s agenda that never had popular support: limitless football spending. Puskás Academy, having next to zero market revenue, will not be able to survive without the state’s life support, so the club will fold very shortly. The abandoned, rotting stadium in Felcsút will serve as a memento of a powerful man who could not understand the true spirit of football.
But let’s get back to present day, as we have more pressing issues coming up soon: PAFC will play their first European match in the First qualifying round of the Europa League on 27 August. We don’t have a date for the draw yet, but soon enough, a team unaware of the whole situation will be selected to face the beast. I hope that maybe one of their players does some research and maybe reads this very article for inspiration. I hope that the supporters of this club get in touch with Honvéd fans who would be eager to provide them with some tips on appropriate chants. I hope that other teams gets drawn as the home team so Orbán wouldn’t get the pleasure of walking to his stadium for an international match. But most importantly, I very much hope that this team obliterates PAFC and wipes them off the face of the earth. 5-0 will suffice, thank you.
And if this team fails to do that, we don’t have to worry yet. Due to our shitty league coefficient, PAFC would need to win four fixtures in a row. And that – if there’s any justice in this world – is a thing that can’t, that won’t happen. Ball don’t lie – if I may say.
TL,DR
Hungarian PM Viktor Orbán redirected some 200 million EUR of taxpayer money over 10 years to fuel his ambition of raising a competitive football team in his hometown of 1,800 people. He built a 3,800-seater stadium in his backyard, expropriated football legend Ferenc Puskás’ trademarks and heritage and built up a football league where almost all clubs are owned by his trustees. His team, Puskás Akadémia FC was originally intended to be a development ground for youth players graduating from Orbán’s football academy, but eventually the team became more and more result-orianted. Finally, a roster full of foreign and non-academy players came through and finished third in the league, releasing this abomination of a team to the European football theatre. Please, knock them out asap!
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Gover(self) 4 [ARTICLE] 'A History of Reason in the Age of Insanity: The Deconstruction of Foucault in Hegel’s Phenomenology' The Owl of Minerva, Volume 25, Issue 1, Fall 1993, Andrew Cutrofello Pages 15-21(self) 1 [BOOK] Mere Civility by Teresa M. Bejan(self) 2 [book] The Philosophy Shop by Peter Worley(self) 1 [BOOK] Sentenciando Trafico - Marcelo Semer(self) 1 [Article] GENETIC INSTABILITY ASSOCIATED WITH BREAK-INDUCED REPLICATION(self) 1 [Article] Properties of elastic bodies in contact - J. Dundurs 1975(self) 2 [Article] Transition alumina phases induced by heat treatment of boehmite: An X-ray diffraction and infrared spectroscopy study(self) 1 [Book] Russian Companion by James Cooper(self) 1 [Book] Model Stock Purchase Agreement with Commentary, by American Bar Association(self) 1 [Book] A History of Modern France By Jeremy D. Popkin(self) 1 [Book] Mathematical Notation: A Guide for Engineers and Scientists(self) 1 [Book] The Epistemological Significance of the Interrogative by James Somerville(self) 1 [Book] Looking for Managing Human Resources 11e. by Cascio, Wayne F.(self) 4 [Article] XVIII. 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Anthem Press.(self)NSFW 4 [Article] Electronic documents give reproducible research a new meaning(self) 1 [ARTICLE] A Three Square Geometry Problem by Charles Trigg(self) 1 [BOOK] Structure And Mechanism In Protein Science: A Guide To Enzyme Catalysis And Protein Folding (Structural Biology) Reprint Edition(self) 1 [BOOK] Genetic Analysis: Genes, Genomes, and Networks in Eukaryotes 2nd Edition by Philip Meneely(self) 2 [Article] Ultimate Strength Design of Reinforced Concrete Chimmneys. Rumman, W.S., and Sun, R. Y.,1977(self) 1 [book] Signs of civilisation : the characters that changed Europe(self) 1 [Book] Social Class : How Does It Work? by Annette Lareau; Dalton Conley(self) 1 [book] Garner's Dictionary of Legal Usage Third Edition(self) 1 [book] The Integration of MILLION into the English System of Number Words(self) 1 [Book] Connected Speech: The Interaction of Syntax and Phonology - Ellen Kaisse(self) 2 [BOOK] Statistics Using R: An Integrative Approach(self) 4 [Article] Rethinking International Institutionalisation through Treaty Organs by Gloria Fernández Arribas(self) 1 [Book] Parasitic Gaps - Peter W. Culicover and Paul M. Postal(self) 4 [Book] The Global Economy A Concise History Edited By Franco Amatori, Andrea Colli(self) 7 [Article] "Sorting out the ethics of propaganda", Stanley Cunningham(self) 1 [Book] Diet, Life-Style, and Mortality in China: A Study of the Characteristics of 65 Chinese Counties(self) 2 [Article] “Some Degenerate Entrepreneur Fleeing From a Medicine Show”: Judge Holden in The Age of P.T. Barnum(self) 4 [Article] Christoph Witzel and Matteo Toscani, "How to make a #theDress," J. Opt. Soc. Am. A 37, A202-A211 (2020)(self) 4 [Article] [Heinonline] The Emergence and Fallacy of 'China's Debt-Trap Diplomacy' Narrative(self) 5 [Article] [Heinonline] US-Philippines Defense Cooperation during the Duterte Administration: Adjustments and Limitations(self) 8 [Supplement] Polariton Z Topological Insulator, A. V. Nalitov, D. D. Solnyshkov, and G. Malpuech(self) 4 [BOOK] HILL, Christopher. Intellectual Origins of the English Revolution - Revisited.(self) 11 [Article] Post-National Citizenship in Europe: The EU as a Welfare Rights Generator, by Marlene Wind.(self)NSFW 4 [Chapter] The Russian and Chinese Revolutions Compared S. A. Smith from The Oxford Handbook of Modern Russian History(self) 2 [Book] Beyond the Annual Budget: Global Experience with Medium Term Expenditure Frameworks(self) 1 [Book] How Art Can Be Thought: A Handbook for Change - Allan deSouza(self) 1 [Article] Surgical treatment of neuromuscular scoliosis: current techniques(self) 5 [Chapter] Desire, Mimetic Theory, and Original Sin(self) 1 [Book] Dayen, David 2020 Monopolized Life: in the Age of Corporate Power. The New Press.(self) 1 [book] Penetrating Language A Critical Discourse Analysis of Pornography(self) 1 [book] Presentation in Language: Rethinking Speech and Writing(self) 4 [Article] Can someone find the full article for me?(self) 1 [BOOK] Genera Palmarum: the evolution and classification of palms by John Dransfield and Natalie W. Uhl(self) 1 [book] Orthography, Variation, and the Creation of Meaning in Written Japanese(self) 4 [Chapter] The Relative Cycle in Hungarian Declaratives, Julia Bacskai-Atkari(self) 1 [Article] Involvement of MicroRNA Mir15a in Control of Human Ovarian Granulosa Cell Proliferation, Apoptosis, Steroidogenesis, and Response to FSH(self) 1 [Chapter], in Violence in War and Peace: An Anthology by Nancy Scheper-Hughes & Philippe Bourgois (Editors)(self) 1 [Chatper], in Violence in War and Peace: An Anthology by Nancy Scheper-Hughes & Philippe Bourgois (Editors)(self) 1 [book] Oxford Dictionary of Proverbs (6 ed.)(self) 1 [Book] The Origins of the First World War ByJames Joll, Gordon Martel(self) 4 [Chapter] The Feminist Standpoint Theory Reader: Intellectual and Political Controversies(self) 4 [BOOK] Early Events in Monocot Evolution by Paul Wilkin and Simon J. Mayo(self) 5 [Book] BRIGGS, Robin. "Communities of Belief: Cultural and Social Tensions in Early Modern France"(self) 2 [Article] Transgenerational Epigenetics: A Window into Paternal Health Influences on Offspring(self) 3 [Thesis] Earthquake risk assessment of building structures(self) 1 [Article] Factors associated with women achieving and maintaining abstinence from alcohol: a rapid evidence assessment(self) 1 [Thesis/Article] Earthquake risk assessment of building structures(self) 1 [BOOK] Censorship and Propaganda in World War I, 2019(self) 3 [article] A new device producing ambulatory intermittent pneumatic compression suitable for the treatment of lower limb oedema: A preliminary report(self) 1 [Article] Kinetic Modeling and Optimization of the Release Mechanism of Curcumin from Folate Conjugated Hybrid BSA Nanocarrier(self) 1 [Article] Lawrence Transfer Factor: Transference of Specific Immune Memory by Dialyzable Leukocyte Extract from a CD8+ T Cell Line(self) 1 [Book] he Origins of the First World War William Mulligan(self) 1 2 [Article] Biteye: A System for Tracking Bitcoin Transactions(self) 1 [BOOK] A Photographic Atlas of Developmental Biology. 2005. Shirley J. Wright. Morton.(self) 4 [Other] Philippine Daily Inquirer July 16, 2020(self) 1 [BOOK] Letters on Familiar Matters, Volume 1 by Francesco Petrarch(self) 2 [Article] Optical fiber micro-devices made with femtosecond laser by Kaiming Zhou, Fangcheng Shen, Guolu Yin, and Lin Zhang(self) 3 [BOOK] Need a book from Oxford Scholarship online: The Oxford Francis Bacon Vol. 6(self) 1 [BOOK] I need OBSERVATIONAL ASTRONOMY by D. Scott Birney(self) 4 [Article] Homeostatic Plasticity Shapes the Retinal Response to Photoreceptor Degeneration by Shen, Wang, Soto and Kerchensteiner.(self) 1 [Artikel] Homeostatic Plasticity Shapes the Retinal Response to Photoreceptor Degeneration by Shen, Wang, Soto and Kerchensteiner(self) 3 [Article][Request] Anyone have access to this article?(self) 7 [Article] The idea that everything from spoons to stones is conscious is gaining academic credibility (Quartz)(self) 2 [Article](self) 1 [BOOK] Need a german book from JSTOR, "Politisches Skandalmanagement: Strategien der Selbstverteidigung in politischen Affären der Bundesrepublik Deutschland "(self) 1 [BOOK] The Oxford Handbook of Ethics of AI(self) 1 [ARTICLE] Are natural scientists more masculine than humanists? The association patterns between 2D:4D ratio and field of study by Kainz, Sarah; Weitzer, Jakob; Zingale, Stefania; Köllner, Johanna; Albrecht, Cornelia; Gaidora, Angelika; Rudorfer, Marie-Theres; Nürnberger, Anna; Kirchengast, Sylvia(self) 1 [Book] The Crisis of Criticism - Maurice Berger (editor)(self) 2 [Book] Handbook of Nonprescription Drugs: An Interactive Approach to Self-Care, 19th Edition(self) 1 [Book] 'Le discours pornographique' Marie-Anne Paveau, La Musardine, 2014(self) 8 [Article] Allocation and Operation of A Hydropneumatic Energy Storage with Building Microgrid(self) 1 [ARTICLE] L'information internationale en Amérique du Sud: les agences et les réseaux, circa 1874-1919, 2013(self) 1 [Book] The Beaultiful Fall: Fashion, Genius and Glorious Excess in 1970s Paris, Alicia Drake(self) 4 [BOOK] 'Sociology and the Sacred: An Introduction to Philip Rieff's Theory of Culture' Antonius A.W. Zondervan, University of Toronto Press, 2005(self) 1 [Article] Flavell, J. (1987). Speculations about the nature and development of metacognition. In F. Weinert & R. Kluwe (Ed.), Metacognition, motivation, and understanding (p. 21-29). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.(self) 1 [Book] Health Policy Management: A Case Approach 1st Edition(self) 3 [BOOK] Visions and Ideas of Europe during the First World War, 2019(self) 4 [Article] Opioids After Surgery in the United States Versus the Rest of the World The International Patterns of Opioid Prescribing (iPOP) Multicenter Study by Kaafarani, Haytham M. A. MD, MPH*; Han, Kelsey BSc*; El Moheb, Mohamad MD et al(self) 1 [ARTICLE] "Who Is This?" Narration of the Divine Identity of Jesus in Matthew 21:10—17, Andrew E. Nelson(self) 2 [Book] Origins of value: The financial innovations that created modern capital markets(self) 1 [Article] Automation of in-hospital pharmacy dispensing: a systematic review by Sarah Batson, Ana Herranz, Nicolas Rohrbach, Michela Canobbio, Stephen A Mitchell, Pascal Bonnabry(self) 1 [Book] Manual of Pediatric Balance Disorders - Robert C. O'Reilly(self) 1 [Article] Primary adrenal failure and central nervous system lesions: a rare case report of primary adrenal lymphoma by Cristina P. Correia, José G. Freitas, António Martins, Jorge Oliveira(self) 1 [Book] Portable Literature: Reading, Reacting, Writing(self) 5 [BOOK] Lawfare: Law as a Weapon of War - Orde F. Kittrie(self) 3 [Article] Dismantling Restrictive Gender Norms: Can Better Designed Paternal Leave Policies Help? by Negar Omidakhsh, Aleta Sprague, & Jody Heymann(self) 1 [BOOK] Modernization from the Other Shore: American Intellectuals and the Romance of Russian Development by David Engerman(self) 1 [Article] Torsional Response of Reinforced Fibrous Concrete Beams(self) 1 [Book] Language change by Joan Bybee(self) 1 [Book] [Taylor and Francis] The Routledge Handbook of North American Languages(self) 3 [Thesis] "Gas-Surface Desorption and Scattering Processes: Development and Application of the Random Corrugation Model"(self) 1 [Book] Reinventing the Museum: The Evolving Conversation on the Paradigm Shift (2nd Edition)(self) 1 [BOOK] When Police Kill - Franklin Zimring(self) 1 [article] DNA Vaccine Delivery and Improved Immunogenicity Kevin R. Porter and Kanakatte Raviprakash(self) 7 [BOOK] 'The Triumph of the Therapeutic: Uses of Faith after Freud', Philip Rieff, 1973(self) 1 [book] Verbs, Clauses and Constructions: Functional and Typological Approaches(self) 6 [Book] Special Duty: A History of the Japanese Intelligence Community by Richard J. Samuels(self) 7 [BOOK] The Right to Know: Transparency of an Open World by Ann Florini(self) 4 [BOOK] At Home in Two Countries: The Past and Future of Dual Citizenship by Peter J Spiro(self) 1 [BOOK] 'Mesolithic Europe' Geoff Bailey & Penny Spikins, 2008/2010(self) 7 [BOOK] 'Nietzsche and the Clinic: Psychoanalysis, Philosophy, Metaphysics' Jared Russell, 2017(self) 1 [book] Lexical Properties of Selected Non-native Morphemes of English(self) 4 [BOOK] 'Wild Things: Recent advances in Palaeolithic and Mesolithic research' Frederick W. F. Foulds, 2014(self) 2 [Article] Thoracoabdominal Aneurysm Surgery(self) 1 [BOOK] Research handbook on climate governance(self) 2 [Book] High-Performance Compilers for Parallel Computing by Michael Wolfe(self) 3 [Article] Cosmic Cinema: On the Philosophical Films of Terrence Malick(self) 3 [Book] Critical thinking about research.(self) 6 [Supplement] Transposable elements in mammals promote regulatory variation and diversification of genes with specialized functions, Louie N.van de Lagemaat Josette-RenéeLandry Dixie L.MagerPatrikMedstrand(self) 1 [BOOK] Crisis Elections, New Contenders and Government Formation. Breaking the Mould in Southern Europe - Anna Bosco & Susannah Verney(self) 4 [Article] Legal and Ethical Imperatives for Using Certified Sign Language Interpreters in Health Care Settings(self) 5 [Article] Bottles and Bricks: Rethinking the Prohibition against Violent Political Protest by Jennifer Kling & Megan Mitchell(self) 6 [Book] Corruption in International Investment Arbitration - Aloysius Llamzon(self) 5 [Article] Sports prediction and betting models in the machine learning age: The case of Tennis, Wilkes 2019.(self) 1 [chapter] Handwriting Recognition Systems and Applications(self) 3 [Article] Designing robust policies under deep uncertainty for mitigating epidemics, Siddhartha Paul, Jayendran Venkateswaran(self) 4 [ARTICLE] IJSSSP: TLS Certificates of the Tor Network and Their Distinctive Features(self) 1 [Book] Methods in Yeast Genetics and Genomics, 2015 Edition: A CSHL Course Manual(self) 3 [Article] Optically improved mitochondrial function redeems aged human visual decline(self) 4 [ARTICLE] Getting Involved with Time: Notes on the Analysis of a Schizoid Man (PROQUEST)(self) 7 [Book] URGENT If you have access to Project MUSE please help me with finding the pdf of "Where is Ana Mendieta"(self) 4 [Book] Rites, rights and rhythms: a genealogy of musical meaning in Colombia's black pacific by Michael Birenbaum Quintero(self) 1 [BOOK] Corrupt Research: The Case for Reconceptualizing Empirical Management and Social Science by Raymond Hubbard(self) 4 [Thesis] Protecting education from attack: Humanitarian agencies and the implementation of a new global norm in the case of Palestine (Proquest)(self)NSFW 3 [Chapter] from A History of the Soviet Union From the Beginning to Its Legacy By Peter Kenez chapter 11,12,13(self) 2 [Article] The effects of NBPTS‐certified teachers on student achievement + Douglas N. Harris Tim R. Sass(self) 5 [Book] Nietzsche and Contemporary Ethics - Simon Robertson(self) 1 [Book] Smolensk Under the Nazis: Everyday Life in Occupied Russia(self) 1 [Article] [Ingenta] A Study on the Complementary Economy of China and the Philippines Under the New Normal Situation (2010-2016) by Zhu Bin and Jing Lei(self) 4 [Article] Weavers, Merchants and Company: The Handloom Industry in Southeastern India 1750-1790 by S. Arasaratnam(self) 1 [BOOK] Legacies of the Left Turn in Latin America: The Promise of Inclusive Citizenship - Manuel Balán & Françoise Montambeault(self) 6 [Article] Autonomous industrial mobile manipulation (AIMM): past, present and future. Author: Mads Hvilshøj, Simon Bøgh, Oluf Skov Nielsen, Ole Madsen.(self) 1 Removed: Pending moderation REQUEST [eBook] The Assessment Book – Physiotutors Guide to Orthopedic Physical Assessment(self) 1 [Article] [Brill] The Tragedy of Small Power Politics: The Philippines in the South China Sea by Charmaine Misalucha-Willoughby and Robert Joseph Medillo(self) 1 [BOOK] Echo and Reverb: Fabricating Space in Popular Music Recording, 1900-1960(self) 5 [Article] EFFECTS OF HIGH CONCENTRATIONS OF PLANT OILS AND FATTY ACIDS FOR MYCELIAL GROWTH AND PINHEAD FORMATION OF HERICIUM ERINACEUM(self) 1 [Article] [HeinOnline] "Disposable Deontology: The Death Penalty" by Tung Yin(self) 2 [Article] Efficient conversion of pretreated brewer’s spent grain and wheat bran by submerged cultivation of Hericium erinaceus(self) 1 [Chapter] The Imperial Institute: The state and the development of the natural resources of the Colonial Empire, 1887–1923(self) 1 [Book] Pieter Steyn - Zapuphizo: Voice of the Nagas(self) 3 [Article] Critical Constructivism and Postphenomenology: Ethics, Politics, and the Empirical(self) 5 [BOOK] Political Populism: A Handbook - Reinhard C. Heinisch, Christina Holtz-Bacha, Oscar Mazzoleni (Ed.)(self) 1 [BOOK] Effective Strategies for Protecting Human Rights(self) 4 [BOOK] The Unprovability of Consistency - George Boolos(self) 1 [BOOK] 'The Unity of Hegel's Phenomenology of Spirit: A Systematic Interpretation' Jon Stewart, Northwestern University Press (2000)(self) 1 [Book] Campus Wars by Kenneth J Heineman(self) 3 [Article] Circuit Theory for Waveguiding, Robert E. Collin(self) 1 [Other] [UpToDate] Attention deficit hyperactivity disorder in adults: Epidemiology, pathogenesis, clinical features, course, assessment, and diagnosis(self) 2 [BOOK] Quark-Gluon Plasma: From Big Bang to Little Bang(self) 10 [Book] The Representation of (in)definiteness - It's on archive.org but I can't seem to be able to download it(self) 1 [Book] Aginid bayok sa atong tawarik(self) 1 [Book] Political Economy In Macro Economics By Allan Drazen and Political Control of the Economy By Edward R. 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G.(self) 6 [Chapter] MULTICULTURALISM, OR, THE CULTURAL LOGIC OF MULTINATIONAL CAPITALISM by Slavoj Zizek(self) 5 [Article] Value articulation : A framework for the strategic manage- ment of intellectual property by Conley, James G., Peter M.Bican, and Holger Ernst(self) 3 [Book](JSTOR)Why We Believe: Evolution and the Human Way of Being by Agustin Fuentes(self) 1 [Book](self) 1 [Book] Ottoman Explorations of the Nile: Evliya Çelebi’s Map of the Nile and The Nile Journeys in the Book of Travels (Seyahatname) - Dankoff, Tezcan & Sheridan(self) 1 [Article] The Jewels of Adad by FNH Al-Rawi, JA Black(self) 1 [article] A measurement of collective learning effects in Italian high-tech milieux(self) 1 [Article] Parasympathetic activity is reduced during slow-wave sleep, but not resting wakefulness, in patients with chronic fatigue syndrome - Fatt et al., 2020(self) 1 [Book] Linked Data for Libraries, Archives, and Museums, by Seth van Hooland and Ruben Verborgh(self) 4 [Book] The Oxford Handbook of Well-Being and Public Policy - Edited by Matthew D. 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Parker(self) 1 [Book] Marsh's Becoming a Teacher(self) 4 [Book] Germans Against Nazism: Nonconformity, Opposition and Resistance in the Third Reich: Essays in Honour of Peter Hoffmann by Francis R. Nicosia and Lawrence D. Stokes(self) 4 [Chapter] The Standard Story and Its Rivals(self) 1 [BOOK]Agrarian and Other Histories Essays for Binay Bhushan Chaudhuri - Edited by Shubhra Chakrabarti and Utsa Patnaik(self) 1 [Book] Regional modernities : the cultural politics of development in India. Ed. K. Sivaramakrishnan; Arun Agrawal(self) 1 [Chapter] Damping in Structures(self) 1 [Book] Gerontología y geriatría: valoración e intervención. Editorial Médica Panamericana. José Carlos Millán-Calentí(self) 1 [Book] Lotman's Cultural Semiotics and the Political - Makarychev & Yatsyk (2017)(self) 2 [Book] (Brill) The Handbook of Austroasiatic Languages (2 vols)(self) 1 [Book] Indian Films in Soviet Cinemas: The Culture of Movie-going After Stalin by Sudha Rajagopalan(self) 4 [BOOK] Decolonizing Theory: Thinking across Traditions by Aditya Nigam (1st edition, Bloomsbury India)(self) 3 [Request] [Article] Cell-by-Cell Deconstruction of Stem Cell Niches(self) 1 [Book] Social research methods- fifth edition, Bryman, Alan (2016)(self) 4 [Book]Chinese and Indian Warfare – From the Classical Age to 1870(self) 1 [Book] PC-Forensik Christoph Willer(self) 1 [Book] Designing for Empathy: Perspectives on the Museum Experience(self) 4 [book] American Communism and Black Americans by Philip Foner(self) 4 [Book] Marcus Franke : War and Nationalism in South Asia The Indian State and the Nagas(self) 8 [BOOK] Natural Resources, Extraction and Indigenous Rights in Latin America. 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Protest in Turbulent Times - Cristina Flesher Fominaya, Ramon A. Feenstra(self) 4 [Book] Attorney-Client Privilege in International Arbitration(self) 1 [Article] An Alternative Ontology of Food Beyond Metaphysics by Lisa Heldke. Published in Radical Philosophy Review, Vol 15, Issue 1, 2012(self) 1 [Book] Bello, Walden 2005 Dilemmas of Domination: The Unmaking of the American Empire. Zed Books, 2005.(self) 1 [Article] Owning the PastOwning the Past Reply to Stokes(self) 1 [Article] Owning the PastOwning the Past Reply to Stokes(self) 1 [Book] McQuire, Scott. Crossing the Digital Threshold. Brisbane: Australian Key Centre for Cultural and Media Policy, Faculty of Humanities, Griffith University, 1997.(self) 3 [Book] Request: Migration and the Refugee Dissensus in Europe: Borders, Security and Austerity by Nicos Trimikliniotis.(self) 9 [Article] Masculinity in videogames: the gendered gameplay of Silent Hill(self) 1 [BOOK] 'Truth games : lies, money, and psychoanalysis' by John Forrester, Harvard University Press, 2000(self) 1 [Book] Osterloh, Jörg, und Clemens Vollnhals. NS-Prozesse Und Deutsche Öffentlichkeit: Besatzungszeit, Frühe Bundesrepublik Und DDR.(self) 2
submitted by jaylenholt to ebookleaksdownload [link] [comments]

The following 741 individuals all actively and knowingly conspire in well-planned efforts and constructions to consolidate power and resources. Round-op Alpha

The following 741 individuals all actively and knowingly conspire in well-planned efforts and constructions to consolidate power and resources. Round-op Alpha
WORLD POLICE
  1. Chan, Margaret /CHINA/ PDF
  2. Halton, Jane /AUSTRALIA/PDF
  3. Grimes, David /CANADA/ PDF
  4. Moura, Antonio Divino /BRAZIL/ PDF
  5. Ostojski, Mieczyslaw S. /POLAND/ PDF
  6. Mokssit, Abdalah /MOROCCO/ PDF
  7. Zerbo, Lassina /BURKINA FASO/ PDF
  8. Dubourg, Thierry /FRANCE/ PDF
  9. Li, Genxin /CHINA/ PDF
  10. Bell, W. Randy /USA/ PDF
  11. Maryssael, Vorian /MEXICO/ PDF
  12. Rozhkov, Oleg /RUSSIA/ PDF
  13. Ozawa, Toshiro /JAPAN/ PDF
  14. Azeez, Aliyar Lebbe Abdul /SRI LANKA/ PDF
  15. Haak, Hein [1, 2] /THE NETHERLANDS/ PDF
  16. Weston, Michael [1, 2] /UK/ PDF
  17. Amano, Yukiya /JAPAN/ PDF
  18. Dunn Lee, Janice /USA/ PDF
  19. Mohamad, Daud /MALAYSIA/ PDF
  20. Aning, Kwaku /GHANA – USA/ PDF
  21. Varjoranta, Tero /FINLAND/ PDF
  22. Bychkov, Alexander /RUSSIA/ PDF
  23. Flory, Denis /FRANCE/ PDF
  24. Horin, Olexandr [1, 2] /UKRAINE/ PDF
  25. Azevêdo, Roberto /BRAZIL/ PDF
  26. Agah, Yonov Frederick [1, 2] /NIGERIA/ PDF
  27. Brauner, Karl [1, 2] /GERMANY/ PDF
  28. Shark, David [1, 2] /USA/ PDF
  29. Xiaozhun, Yi [1, 2] /CHINA/ PDF
  30. Gore, Al /USA/ PDF
  31. Buffett, Warren [2] /USA/ PDF
WORLD BANK GROUP
  1. Kim, Jim Yong [1, 2] /USA – SOUTH KOREA/ PDF
  2. Indrawati, Sri Mulyani /INDONESIA – USA/ PDF
  3. Badré, Bertrand /FRANCE/ PDF
  4. Mohieldin, Mahmoud /EGYPT/ PDF
  5. Basu, Kaushik [1, 2] /INDIA/ PDF
  6. Leroy, Anne-Marie /FRANCE/ PDF
  7. Kyte, Rachel /USA/ PDF
  8. De Villeroche, Hervé /FRANCE/ PDF
  9. Hines, Gwen /UK/ PDF
  10. Hoven, Ingrid G. /GERMANY/ PDF
  11. Aviel, Sara Margalit [1, 2] /USA/ PDF
  12. Suzuki, Hideaki /JAPAN/ PDF
  13. Chen, Shixin /CHINA/ PDF
BILDERBERG
  1. Rothensteiner, Walter /AUSTRIA/ PDF
  2. Treichl, Andreas /AUSTRIA/ PDF
  3. Sigurgestsson, Hörður /ICELAND/ PDF
  4. Lundestad, Geir /NORWAY/ PDF
  5. de Oliveira, Manuel Ferreira /PORTUGAL/ PDF
  6. Salgado, Ricardo /PORTUGAL/ PDF
  7. Silva, Artur Santos /PORTUGAL/ PDF
  8. Mazzie, Mark G. /USA/ PDF
  9. McKinnon, Neil /CANADA/ (status unknown) PDF
  10. Sikora, Sławomir /POLAND/ PDF
  11. Bon, Michel /FRANCE/ PDF
  12. Lévy-Lang, André /FRANCE/ PDF
  13. Schrempp, Jürgen Erich /GERMANY/ PDF
  14. Szwajcowski, Jacek /POLAND/ PDF
  15. Barnevik, Percy Nils /SWEDEN/ PDF
  16. Stråberg, Hans /SWEDEN/ PDF
  17. Uǧur, Agah [2] /TURKEY/ PDF
  18. Browne, Edmund John Philip /UK/ PDF
  19. Gerstner, Louis Vincent /USA/ PDF
  20. Bergsten, C. Fred /FRANCE/ PDF
  21. Pipes, Richard Edgar [2] /USA/ PDF
  22. Black, Conrad Moffat /CANADA/ PDF
  23. Frum, David J. /CANADA/ PDF
  24. Beytout, Nicolas /FRANCE/ PDF
  25. Rossella, Carlo /ITALY/ PDF
  26. Ringier, Michael /SWITZERLAND/ PDF
  27. Kohen, Sami [2] /TURKEY/ PDF
  28. Hutton, William Nicolas /UK/ PDF
  29. Knight, Andrew Stephen Bower /UK/ PDF
  30. Stephanopoulos, George Robert /USA/ PDF
  31. Scheel, Walter /GERMANY/ PDF
  32. Eliot, Theodore L. /USA/ PDF
  33. Yost, Casimir A. /USA/ PDF
  34. Allaire, Paul Arthur /USA/ PDF
  35. Rockefeller, Sharon Percy /USA/ PDF
BILDERBERG [2010, 2011, 2012, 2013]
  1. Davignon, Etienne /BELGIUM/ Vice Chairman, Suez-Tractebel PDF
  2. Achleitner, Paul M. /GERMANY/ Chairman of the Supervisory Board, Deutsche Bank AG PDF
  3. Ackermann, Josef /GERMANY/ Chairman of the Management Board and the Group Executive Committee, Deutsche Bank AG PDF
  4. Agius, Marcus /UK/ Former Chairman, Barclays Bank PLC PDF
  5. Ajami, Fouad /USA/ Senior Fellow, The Hoover Institution, Stanford University PDF
  6. Alexander, Helen /UK/ Chairman, UBM plc PDF
  7. Alexander, Keith B. /USA/ Commander, USCYBERCOM; Director, National Security Agency PDF
  8. Alierta, César /SPAIN/ Chairman and CEO, Telefónica PDF
  9. Almunia, Joaquín /SPAIN/ Commissioner, European Commission PDF
  10. Altman, Roger C. /USA/ Chairman, Evercore Partners Inc. PDF
  11. Amado, Luís /PORTUGAL/ Chairman, Banco Internacional do Funchal (BANIF) PDF
  12. Andresen, Johan H. /NORWAY/ Owner and CEO, FERD PDF
  13. Apunen, Matti /FINLAND/ Director, Finnish Business and Policy Forum EVA PDF
  14. Arrison, Sonia /USA/ Author and policy analyst PDF
  15. Athey, Susan /USA/ Professor of Economics, Stanford Graduate School of Business PDF
  16. Aydıntaşbaş, Aslı /TURKEY/ Columnist, Milliyet Newspaper PDF
  17. Babacan, Ali /TURKEY/ Deputy Prime Minister for Economic and Financial Affairs PDF
  18. Bäckström, Urban /SWEDEN/ Director General, Confederation of Swedish Enterprise PDF
  19. Balls, Edward M. /UK/ Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer PDF
  20. Balsemão, Francisco Pinto /PORTUGAL/ Chairman and CEO, IMPRESA, S.G.P.S.; Former Prime Minister PDF
  21. Barré, Nicolas /FRANCE/ Managing Editor, Les Echos PDF
  22. Barroso, José M. Durão /PORTUGAL/ President, European Commission PDF
  23. Baverez, Nicolas /FRANCE/ Partner, Gibson, Dunn & Crutcher LLP PDF
  24. Bavinchove, Olivier de /FRANCE/ Commander, Eurocorps PDF
  25. Bazire, Nicolas /FRANCE/ Managing Director, Groupe Arnault /LVMH PDF
  26. Béchu, Christophe /FRANCE/ Senator, and Chairman, General Council of Maine-et-Loire PDF
  27. Bell, John /UK/ Regius Professor of Medicine, University of Oxford PDF
  28. Berberoğlu, Enis /TURKEY/ Editor-in-Chief, Hürriyet Newspaper PDF
  29. Bernabè, Franco /ITALY/ CEO, Telecom Italia S.p.A. PDF
  30. Bezos, Jeff /USA/ Founder and CEO, Amazon.com PDF
  31. Bildt, Carl /SWEDEN/ Minister of Foreign Affairs PDF
  32. Björling, Ewa /SWEDEN/ Minister for Trade PDF
  33. Blåfield, Antti /FINLAND/ Senior Editorial Writer, Helsingin Sanomat PDF
  34. Boles, Nick /UK/ Member of Parliament PDF
  35. Bolland, Marc J. /THE NETHERLANDS/ Chief Executive, Marks and Spencer Group plc PDF
  36. Bonnier, Jonas /SWEDEN/ President and CEO, Bonnier AB PDF
  37. Borg, Anders /SWEDEN/ Minister for Finance PDF
  38. Botín, Ana P. /SPAIN/ Executive Chairman, Banesto PDF
  39. Boxmeer, Jean François van /THE NETHERLANDS/ Chairman of the Executive Board and CEO, Heineken N.V. PDF
  40. Christiansen, Jeppe /DENMARK/ CEO, Maj Invest PDF
  41. Chubais, Anatoly B. /RUSSIA/ CEO, OJSC RUSNANO PDF
  42. Ciliv, Süreyya /TURKEY/ CEO, Turkcell Iletisim Hizmetleri A.S. PDF
  43. Cisneros, Gustavo A. /SPAIN/ Chairman and CEO, Cisneros Group of Companies PDF
  44. Clark, W. Edmund /CANADA/ President and CEO, TD Bank Financial Group PDF
  45. Clarke, Kenneth /UK/ Member of Parliament, Lord Chancellor and Secretary of Justice PDF
  46. Coene, Luc /BELGIUM/ Governor, National Bank of Belgium PDF
  47. Collins, Timothy C. /USA/ Senior Managing Director and CEO, Ripplewood Holdings, LLC PDF
  48. Conti, Fulvio /ITALY/ CEO and General Manager, Enel SpA PDF
  49. Corydon, Bjarne /DENMARK/ Minister of Finance PDF
  50. Cospedal, María Dolores de /SPAIN/Secretary General, Partido Popular PDF
  51. Cowper-Coles, Sherard /UK/ Business Development Director, International, BAE Systems plc PDF
  52. Cucchiani, Enrico Tommaso /ITALY/ CEO, Intesa Sanpaolo SpA PDF
  53. Daele, Frans van /BELGIUM/ Chief of Staff to the President of the European Council PDF
  54. Daniels, Jr., Mitchell E. /USA/ Governor of Indiana PDF
  55. David, George A. /GREECE/ Chairman, Coca-Cola H.B.C. S.A. PDF
  56. Davis, Ian /UK/ Chairman, Rolls-Royce plc PDF
  57. DeMuth, Christopher /USA/ Distinguished Fellow, Hudson Institute PDF
  58. Dijkgraaf, Robbert H. /THE NETHERLANDS/ Director and Leon Levy Professor, Institute for Advanced Study PDF
  59. Dinçer, Haluk /TURKEY/ President, Retail and Insurance Group, Sabancı Holding A.S. PDF
  60. Donilon, Thomas E. /USA/ National Security Advisor, The White House PDF
  61. Dudley, Robert /UK/ Group Chief Executive, BP plc PDF
  62. Eberstadt, Nicholas N. /USA/ Henry Wendt Chair in Political Economy, American Enterprise Institute PDF
  63. Eide, Espen Barth /NORWAY/ Minister of Foreign Affairs PDF
  64. Ekholm, Börje /SWEDEN/ President and CEO, Investor AB PDF
  65. Eldrup, Anders /DENMARK/ CEO, DONG Energy PDF
  66. Elkann, John /ITALY/ Chairman, Fiat S.p.A. PDF
  67. Enders, Thomas /GERMANY/ CEO, Airbus SAS PDF
  68. Entrecanales, José Manuel /SPAIN/ Chairman, Acciona PDF
  69. Evans, J. Michael /USA/ Vice Chairman, Global Head of Growth Markets, Goldman Sachs & Co. PDF
  70. Faymann, Werner /AUSTRIA/ Federal Chancellor PDF
  71. Federspiel, Ulrik /DENMARK/ Vice President Global Affairs, Haldor Topsøe A/S PDF
  72. Feldstein, Martin S. /USA/ George F. Baker Professor of Economics, Harvard University PDF
  73. Ferguson, Niall /USA/ Laurence A. Tisch Professor of History, Harvard University PDF
  74. Ferreira Alves, Clara /PORTUGAL/ CEO, Claref LDA; writer [1, 2, 3] PDF
  75. Fillon, François /FRANCE/ Former Prime Minister PDF
  76. Fischer, Heinz /AUSTRIA/ Federal President PDF
  77. Fishman, Mark C. /USA/ President, Novartis Institutes for BioMedical Research PDF
  78. Flint, Douglas J. /UK/ Group Chairman, HSBC Holdings plc PDF
  79. Fu, Ying /CHINA/ Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs PDF
  80. Gallagher, Paul /IRELAND/ Attorney General PDF
  81. Gates, William H. /USA/ Co-chair, Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and Chairman, Microsoft Corporation PDF
  82. Gephardt, Richard A. /USA/ President and CEO, Gephardt Group PDF
  83. Gfoeller, Michael /USA/ Political Consultant PDF
  84. Giannitsis, Anastasios /GREECE/ Former Minister of Interior; Professor of Development and International Economics, University of Athens PDF
  85. Goolsbee, Austan D. /USA/ Professor of Economics, University of Chicago Booth School of Business PDF
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Greece is a Nation Under Occupation - Blaming The Victim -

Greece is a Nation Under Occupation - Blaming The Victim -
by Andrew Gavin Marshall 17 July 2015 from AndrewGavinMarshall Website

https://preview.redd.it/rezpcpakafk41.jpg?width=500&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=1f8299b279f0162d85ddb5c3fa0344316e964084
In the early hours of Thursday morning, July 16, the Greek Parliament passed a host of austerity measures in order to begin talks on a potential third bailout of 86 billion Euros.
The austerity measures were pushed onto the Parliament by Greece's six-month-old leftist government of Syriza, elected in late January with a single mandate to oppose austerity.
So what exactly happened over the past six months that the first anti-austerity government elected in Europe has now passed a law implementing further austerity measures?
One cannot properly assess the political gymnastics being exercised within Greece's ruling Syriza party without placing events in their proper context.
It is inaccurate to mistake the actions and decisions of the Greek government with those taken by an independent, sovereign and democratic country. Greece is not a free and sovereign nation.
Greece is an occupied nation...
Since its first bailout agreement in May of 2010, Greece has been under the technocratic and economic occupation of its bailout institutions,
the European Commission the European Central Bank (ECB) the International Monetary Fund (IMF)
For the past five years, these three institutions known as 'the Troika' (though now referred to as 'the Institutions') have managed bailout programs in Greece and other nations of the Eurozone.
In return for loans, they got to dictate the policies and priorities of governments.
Behind the scenes, Germany rules an economic empire expanding across Europe, enforcing its demands upon debtor nations in need of aid, operating largely through the European Union's various institutions and forums. Germany has consistently demanded harsh austerity measures, structural reforms, and centralization of authority over euro-member nations at the EU-level.
Greece has served as a brutal example to the rest of Europe for what happens when a country does not follow the orders and rules of Germany and the EU's unelected institutions.
In return for financial loans from the Troika, with Germany providing the largest share, Greece and other debtor nations had to give up their sovereignty to unelected technocrats from foreign institutions based in,
Brussels (at the European Commission) Frankfurt (at the ECB) Washington, D.C. (at the IMF),
...and with ultimate authority emanating from foreign political leaders in Berlin (at the German Chancellery and Finance Ministry).
The Troika would send teams of 'inspectors' on missions to Athens where they would assess if the sitting government was on track with its promised reforms, thus determining whether they would continue to disburse bailout funds.
Troika officials in Athens would function as visiting emissaries from a foreign empire, accompanied by bodyguards and met with protests by the Greek people.
The 'inspectors' from Brussels, Frankfurt and Washington would enter Greek government ministries, dictating to the Greek government and bureaucracy what their priorities and policies should be, with the ever-present threat to cut off funds if their demands were not followed, holding the fate of successive governments in their hands.
Thus, unelected officials from three undemocratic and entirely unaccountable international institutions were dictating government policy to elected governments.
In addition to this immense loss of sovereignty over the past five years, Greece was subjected to further humiliation as the European Commission established a special 'Task Force for Greece' consisting of 45 technocrats, with 30 based in Brussels and 15 at an outpost in Athens, headed by Horst Reichenbach, dubbed by the Greek press as the 'German Premier'.
European and German officials had pushed for "a more permanent presence" in Greece than the occasional inspections by Troika officials. Thus, the Task Force was effectively an imperial outpost overseeing an occupied nation.
When a nation's priorities and policies are determined by foreign officials, it is not a free and sovereign nation, but an occupied country.
When unelected technocrats have more authority over a nation than its elected politicians, it is not a democracy, but a technocracy. Germany and Europe's contempt and disregard for the democratic process within occupied (bailout) countries has been clear for years.
When Greece's elected Prime Minister George Papandreou called for a referendum on the terms of Greece's second bailout in late 2011, German Chancellor Angela Merkel, French President Nicolas Sarkozy, and Europe's unelected rulers were furious.
The economic occupation and restructuring of a nation was too important to be left to the population to decide.
Europe's leaders acted quickly and removed the elected government from power in a technocratic coup, replacing Mr. Papandreou with the former Vice President of the European Central Bank, Lucas Papademos.
Thus, a former top official of one of the Troika institutions was put in direct control of Greece.
Papademos, who was not elected but appointed by foreign powers, had two major mandates from his German-Troika overlords: impose further austerity and conclude an agreement for a second bailout.
Within a week of the coup, the EU and IMF demanded that the leaders of Greece's two large political parties, New Democracy and PASOK,
"give written guarantees that they will back austerity measures" and follow through with the bailout programs.
Troika officials and European finance ministers wanted to ensure that regardless of what political party wins in future elections, the Troika and Germany would remain the rulers of Greece.
Troika officials threatened that unless political party leaders sign written commitments they would continue to withhold further bailout funds from being disbursed to Greece. So the leaders signed their commitments.
The leaders of Greece's two main political parties, Antonis Samaras (New Democracy) and Evangelos Venizelos (PASOK), which had governed the country for the previous several decades,
"became reluctant partners, propping up a new prime minister."
In February of 2012, the new Greek government agreed to a second major bailout with the Troika and Germany, thus extending the economic occupation of the country for several more years.
Greece was set to hold elections in April of 2012 to find a suitable 'democratic' replacement for the 'technocratic' government of Lucas Papademos.
But German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble was growing impatient with Greece, and publicly called for the elections to be postponed and to keep a technocratic government in power for longer.
As the Financial Times noted in February of 2012, the European Union,
"wants to impose its choice of government on Greece - the Eurozone's first colony," noting that Europe was "at the point where success is no longer compatible with democracy."
But the elections ultimately took place in May of 2012, though Greece's fractured political parties failed to form a coalition government, and thus set the country on course for a second round of elections the following month.
The May elections were seen as a major rejection of the bailouts and the two parties that had dominated Greece for so long, marking the rise of the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn party on the far-right and Syriza on the left.
But with a second round of elections set for June of 2012, Europe's leaders repeated their threats to the democratic process in Greece. The Troika threatened to withhold bailout funds until the next government approved the package of reforms demanded by the creditors.
Jorg Asmussen, a German member of the Executive Board of the ECB, warned,
"Greece must know that there is no alternative to the agreed to restructuring arrangement, if it wants to stay a member of the euro zone."
The German President of the European Parliament, Martin Schulz, said that,
"The Greek parties should bear in mind that a stable government that holds to agreements is a basic prerequisite for further support from the euro-zone countries."
As Philip Stephens wrote in the Financial Times,
"As often as Greece votes against austerity, it cannot avoid it."
At a May meeting of the Eurogroup of finance ministers, it became clear that Europe's rulers were increasing their threats and ultimatums to Greece.
"If we now held a secret vote about Greece staying in the euro zone," noted Eurogroup President Jean-Claude Juncker (who is now president of the European Commission), "there would be an overwhelming majority against it."
When the second elections were held the following month, the conservative New Democracy party won a narrow victory over Syriza, forming a coalition with two other parties in order to secure a majority to form a new government.
Upon the announcement of a new coalition government on June 20, 2012, Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany warned that Greece "must stick to its commitments."
Antonis Samaras of New Democracy was the third prime minister of Greece since the bailout programs began in 2010, and led the country as a puppet of its foreign creditors until his government collapsed in late 2014 and he called for elections to be held at the end of January of 2015.
Upon the collapse of the government, Alexis Tsipras, the leader of Syriza, declared that,
"austerity will soon be over."
German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble warned that new elections in Greece,
"will not change any of the agreements made with the Greek government," which "must keep to the contractual agreements of its predecessor."
Jean-Claude Juncker, who was the newly-appointed (unelected) President of the European Commission, warned that Greeks,
"know very well what a wrong election result would mean for Greece and the Eurozone," adding that he would prefer "known faces" to rule Greece instead of "extreme forces," in a reference to Syriza.
A couple weeks before the elections, the European Central Bank threatened to cut its funding to Greece's banking system if a new government rejected the bailout conditions.
Syriza won the elections on January 25, 2015, forming a coalition government with the Independent Greeks, a right-wing anti-austerity party.
Alexis Tsipras, who would become Greece's fourth prime minister in as many years, declared,
"an end to the vicious circle of austerity," adding, "The troika has no role to play in this country."
Christine Lagarde, the Managing Director of the IMF, warned,
"There are rules that must be met in the Eurozone," while a member of the executive board of the ECB added, "Greece has to pay, those are the rules of the European game."
Nine days after the election, the ECB cut off its main line of funding to Greek banks, forcing them to access funds through a special lending program which comes with higher interest rates.
Mark Weisbrot of the Center for Economic and Policy Research suggested that following Syriza's election victory, the strategy of European officials was,
"to do enough damage to the Greek economy during the negotiating process to undermine support for the current government, and ultimately replace it."
The ECB, under its President Mario Draghi, quickly took a hardline approach to dealing with Greece, increasing the pressure on Athens to reach a deal with its creditors.
In early March, the ECB added pressure on Greece by indicating that it would only continue lending to Greek banks once the country complied with the terms of the existing bailout.
On 9 March, a meeting of the Eurogroup was held where ECB president Mario Draghi warned the Greeks that they must let Troika officials return to Athens to review the country's finances if they ever wanted any more aid.
The same message was delivered by officials of the European Commission and the IMF. The Greeks were forced to comply.
As negotiations continued, it became increasingly clear that the unelected institutions of the IMF and ECB had immense power over the terms and conditions of the talks.
Negotiations were dragged out, and the economy continued its collapse.
By mid-June, Prime Minister Tsipras accused the creditors of,
"trying to subvert Greece's elected government" and encourage "regime change."
James Putzel, a development studies professor at the London School of Economics (LSE) noted that Greece was being forced to choose between more austerity and reforms under Troika demands, or being booted from the Eurozone and losing the common currency (something which the Greek people did not want).
"Greece's creditors," he wrote, "seem bent on forcing the demise of the Syriza government."
Robert H. Wade, a political economy professor at LSE agreed, referring to the strategy as a "coup d'état by stealth."
In late June, as Greece was faced with an ultimatum to implement more austerity or be pushed out of the Eurozone, Alexis Tsipras threw out the wild card option in a final attempt to gain a better negotiating position by calling for a referendum on the terms demanded by the Troika and creditors.
Europe's leaders reacted as they did the previous time a Greek Prime Minister called for a referendum, and moved to put the squeeze on the economy.
The ECB froze the level of its emergency aid to Greek banks, forcing bank closures and capital controls to be imposed on the country, essentially cutting off the flow of money to, from, and within Greece.
Chancellor Merkel, French President Francois Hollande and Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker,
"coordinated how they would respond" to the Greek government's call for a referendum.
As Mr. Tsipras publicly campaigned for a 'No' vote (which would reject the terms of the bailout), Europe's leaders pushed for a 'Yes' vote, attempting to redefined the terms of the referendum as not being about the bailout, but about membership in the Eurozone, threatening to kick Greece out if they voted 'No'.
As Paul Krugman noted in the New York Times, the ultimatum agreement that was delivered to the Greeks by the Troika was,
"indistinguishable from the policies of the past five years," and was thus meant to be an offer that Tsipras "can't accept, because it would destroy his political reason for being."
The purpose, wrote Krugman,
"must therefore be to drive him from office."
Mark Weisbrot wrote in the Globe & Mail that,
"European authorities continue to take steps to undermine the Greek economy and government, hoping to get rid of the government and get a new one that will do what they want."
Europe's leaders increased their threats to Greece in the run-up to the referendum, warning the country that voting 'No' would mean voting against Europe, against the euro, and result in isolation and further crisis.
But Greece voted 'No' in a landslide referendum on July 5, 2015, in a massive rejection of austerity and the bailouts.
Mr. Tsipras made a gamble with the referendum, hoping that a further democratic mandate from the Greek people would give him a stronger hand in negotiations with the creditors.
But the opposite happened.
Europe's leaders instead decided to completely ignore and dismiss the wishes of the Greek people and continued to put the squeeze on Greece, whose economy was pushed to the brink so far that Mr. Tsipras announced the country's intentions to enter into negotiations for a third bailout program.
On July 10, the Greek government submitted a formal bailout request to its creditors.
Europe, noted the Wall Street Journal, was,
"demanding full capitulation as the price of any new bailout."
The Greek government was betting that Europe wanted to keep Greece in the euro more than Greece wanted to get away from austerity, but Germany - and in particular, Finance Minister Wolfgang Schauble - were willing to back a 'Grexit' scenario in which Greece would be given a five-year "timeout" from the Eurozone.
As Paul Krugman noted,
"surrender isn't enough for Germany, which wants regime change and total humiliation."
As Greek leaders negotiated with their European counterparts over the possibility of a new bailout, it became clear that Greece was in for a reckoning.
The demands that were being made of Greece, wrote Krugman, went,
"beyond harsh into pure vindictiveness, complete destruction of national sovereignty, and no hope of relief."
The lesson from the past few weeks, he added, was that,
"being a member of the Eurozone means that the creditors can destroy your economy if you step out of line."
Financial journalist Wolfgang Münchau wrote in the Financial Times that Greece's creditors,
"have destroyed the Eurozone as we know it and demolished the idea of a monetary union as a step towards a democratic political union."
The Eurozone was instead,
"run in the interests of Germany, held together by the threat of absolute destitution for those who challenge the prevailing order."
With Germany threatening to kick Greece out of the euro for failure to capitulate entirely, this amounted to "regime change in the Eurozone."
As Münchau wrote:
"Any other country that in future might challenge German economic orthodoxy will face similar problems."
After 22 hours of talks, Greece was forced to agree to the new terms.
The Greek government would have to pass into law a set of austerity measures and reforms before Europe's leaders would even begin talks on a new bailout.
"Trust needs to be restored," said Chancellor Merkel.
A new fund would have to be established in Greece, responsible for managing the privatization of 50 billion Euros of Greek assets.
As the Wall Street Journal noted, the deal,
"includes external control over Athens's financial affairs that no Eurozone bailout country - even Greece until this point - has had to endure."
The Financial Times called it,
"the most intrusive economic supervision program ever mounted in the EU."
Tony Barber wrote that the conditions set for the country were so strict that,
"they will turn Greece into a sullen protectorate of foreign powers."
One Eurozone official who attended the summit at which Greece conceded to the German demands commented, "They crucified Tsipras in there."
And so after six months of a Syriza-led Greece it is evident that Syriza does not rule Greece, Germany and the Troika do.
What Syriza's "capitulation" tells us is not that the party betrayed its democratic mandate from the Greek people, but that staying in the euro is a guarantee that no matter who is elected, they are little more than local managers of a foreign occupation government.
Blaming Mr. Tsipras and the Greeks for the current predicament is a bit like blaming a rape victim for getting raped.
It doesn't matter how they were 'dressed', or if they 'could' have fought back, because it's ultimately the decision of the rapist to commit the crime, and thus, the rapist is responsible.
Syriza could become a party of liberation, of a proud, sovereign and democratic nation. But this is only possible if Greece abandons the Euro.
Until then, the Greek government has about as much independent power as the Iraqi government under American occupation. Syriza made several gambles in negotiations with the country's creditors, most of which failed.
But Greece was never on an equal footing...
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Raiding, Corruption and Trojan Horses: Russia's Chaos Strategy - How Russia Abuses the Instability and Naivete of the West.

For anyone who follows international news casually, Russia stories can often feel a bit disjointed, even unreal. Sometimes Russia invades countries, other times it preaches about sovereignty. In Syria and Venezuela it supports established centralized authoritarian regimes, yet in Ukraine and Georgia it supports insurgents, often organized hardly a step up from bandit gangs. Putin denies everything and confirms nothing, stories coming from the FSB keep changing, and in the UN Russia keeps emphasizing international rules, yet also keeps breaking them.
Many Westerners thus merely find themselves confused, the lack of obvious direction either causing them to simply ignore Russia, or worse yet, start distrusting those who report on it. Not that by now confirmed trolling operations help either. And thus, the West is frozen by inaction.
I hope with this post, I will be able to help understand what Russia’s grand strategy may be. For you see, there is a pattern than follows these bizarre international actions by Russia, Putin’s endless web of lies and all the confusion around it. From South Ossetia to Crimea, from Sudan to Uzbekistan, one constant remains – chaos. This strategy is not new, many parts of it are as old as Sun Tzu’s Art of War. But what is new – modern technologies have multiplied its effectiveness. This effort post is intended to explain to you the theory of Russia’s strategic objectives introduced in CEPA paper “Chaos as a Strategy” (https://www.cepa.org/chaos-as-a-strategy).
Now, I should note before starting, that I am not an expert on Russia nor international politics, and I will be thus relying on expert opinions more than primary sources. Furthermore, as even those experts will tell you, we can not, unfortunately, listen in to Putin’s State Council meetings, and thus this is the best idea we have for what the regime’s plans are. Either way, it does not change their impact.
Blonde soldiers in Sudan and BUK missiles in rebel hands.
A few months ago, an interesting claim floated around – that during another upsurge in Venezuelan protests Maduro was about to leave, supposedly having even packed his luggage, before Putin gave him a personal call and promised additional troops to reinforce the regime. This is not the first instance of Putin’s “little green men” helping fellow dictators – this was also seen in Sudan, prior to regime change there. Russia has also involved itself more actively with other countries, such as Syria, has continued to be a guarantor for North Korea, and its military adventures don’t end there. This can be seen in the former Soviet-bloc – in Donbass, Abkhazia and, as a precursor, in Transnistria. In all these instances – Sudan, Syria, Georgia, Ukraine, Venezuela - we see a common pattern of a previously pariah country trying to make a move towards the West, usually bottom-up, and the Russian military being used to cause just enough instability in opposition, to keep the regime in power (though that has failed in Sudan).
And that is quite interesting – Russia only intervened in Syria on Assad’s regime was seen likely to lose, as was the case in Venezuela. The Syrian Civil War as well as the unrest in Caracas is perfectly acceptable – it makes the West unlikely to act, as there are no clear allies or objectives. The goal to create fear of a second Iraq or Vietnam. Thus, Kremlin doesn’t need to waste its limited resources of stabilizing a country – it only needs to commit enough troops to make sure its dubious allies stay around enough to deter the West. The Kremlin does not seek victory, it merely seeks to not lose.
In a way this is a return of almost medieval concept of strategic raiding. Via these various military adventures, Russia seeks to make these countries too complicated and costly for the West to try and approach, like it did with the Baltic states. This is further reinforced by various “treaties” which then Russia is perfectly happy to regularly break, like any Ukrainian soldier on the Donbass front will tell you about Minsk II. Thus, Russia’s bizarre alliance of seemingly grassroots rebels and well-established dictators is perfectly consistent – in that there is no need for consistency. Chaos isn’t a bug here – it’s a feature.
In some regard, it is comparable to international terrorism – make the West fear uncertainty, and become frozen by the ever shifting landscape. This worked perfectly in Syria for example, where US was unable to pick a clear side to support until it was too late.. Rather than traditional model of deterrence by alliance or by warning, it is deterrence by chaos. The goal is to in effect create a no-man’s land in Ukraine and Georgia – Russia may not be able to return there, but neither is it going to let West move in either. Syria may now be splintered and unstable, but crucially, it is not the West.
“Broken” and “Degenerate” liberal West.
Ultimately, Russian military deployments have largely been thus far defensive, attempting to stop drift towards the West of its allies and proxies. But Russia does have offensive tools, which it has increasingly used against the West.
In a recent interview during the G20 with the Financial Times (https://www.ft.com/content/d739d2e4-cb17-48c8-9010-b03d540238bd), Putin stated a creed – that of upholding traditionalism and nationalism, calling liberalism obsolete. The recent rise of the far-right has been a boon to the Putinist regime, simply due to sheer uncertainty and conflict it causes. So much so that Russia has been more than happy to help out, for example by providing funding for Le Pen, Orban or Italy’s Salvini. But warmness to Putinism and its preached ideology is far from a necessity.
Let’s look back to what most users here will be well familiar with – United States elections in 2016. In their wake, we found that Russia had organized paid government agents to disguise themselves on internet as common US citizens and boost support for both Donald Trump and Bernie Sanders. Ultimately, with the Mueller report we found out that there wasn’t intentional clear cooperation with the Russian regimes, and Trump’s presidency, while warm towards Putin, hasn’t been entirely friendly – Trump launched missiles on Russia’s ally Syria, sold weapons to Ukraine (something Obama had refused to do) and has restarted nuclear weapon development for the US military. So, the question arises - why did Putin support Trump? Or Sanders?
Simple. It’s the same reason why Russia has been so insistent on Nordstream 2, why it committed the Salisbury poisonings, why it keeps blasting Russian propaganda TV across the Kaliningrad border. All these choices have the same consistency – they are the choices which are the most likely to cause chaos. Russia seeks to destabilize the West in order to reduce its available resources for international actions. Thus, NATO and EU be forced to choose who to confront – Russia or China, and strategically the more long term choice is China.
Corruption too, has been a tool for Putin, in this case far more traditional. It has attempted to use corruption and coups to stop Montenegro’s move Westward (https://www.theguardian.com/world/2019/may/09/montenegro-convicts-pro-russia-politicians-of-coup-plot), as well as to keep Europe dependent on Russian gas via projects such as Nordstream 2. Moldova, Romania, Lithuania – in so much of Eastern Europe, if you dig into the crimes of the corrupt, too often you will find their pockets filled with Russian money. With this Putin is able to approach not just the target country’s populace, but also its elites – it cynically promises them the kind of benefits and power Russia’s oligarchs do. Of course, Putin is more than happy to forget to mention that those who dissent or fail, are easily disposed of. Boris Berezovsky learned that too late.
Thus two, contradictory carrots are presented at once – Putin of the people, the anti-elite, anti-urban conservative, and Putin of the oligarchs, the dictator, the shield, the crony. And this drives into Kremlin’s strategy too – there is no ideological goal here. Putin does not seek loyalty or trust from the population of France or elites of Montenegro. What he seeks is to confuse – create a situation where nobody can agree on what Putin even promotes, on what he seeks and weather he is to be seen as friend or foe. Confusion and hypocrisy once again is a feature, not a bug.
Creation of these divisions in the West is, in my opinion, the crucial foundation of Kremlin’s strategy. As Pilsudki’s goal was with his “Promethian” operations, so is Kremlins – enough chaos at home, to prevent the West from acting abroad.
International Protection for me, but not for thee.
Important to understanding the way Russia acts, is understanding the way Russia, especially Putin, perceive themselves. Putin is an outspoken Russian patriot, former KGB agent, and had bemoaned the downfall of the USSR since its occurrence. By 2000, when Putin gained his post, Russia, a former superpower, had become comparable power wise to Italy, barely even qualifying for regional power status. Russians had come to see the international system, that had established itself since WW2 and entrenched since the fall of the USSR, as ultimately unfair towards Russia, a tool of US. Yet, with Bosnia and Rwanda, Putin likely saw its first cracks – the failure to intervene, showed that too often, the West was willing to naively follow it. It is likely that here Russia built its first tenant of Chaos Theory.
International institutions are tools, used to limit Western power and to be infiltrated. This has been seen with their actions in the WTO (https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2019/04/russia-wins-landmark-wto-national-security-case-190405135306187.html) and their attempts to abuse Interpol. This has also been seen with Russia abusing its veto power in the UN – 12 times for example on Syria. (https://www.rte.ie/news/world/2018/0411/953637-russia-syria-un-veto/) Believe it or not, the West, especially non-US powers such as France, UK and Germany abide by international institutions. Russia has used these same institutions to shield itself and its allies from investigations and consequences, all while blatantly disregarding them. Sovereignty counts for Russia and Venezuela, but not for Georgia or Ukraine. Human rights abuses are to be criticized in the West, but not in Russia.
This way Russia builds a double image – by stalwartly attacking the West in the UN and WTO and elsewhere it presents itself as the defender of sovereignty and autonomy towards the Western public. Russia’s actions in Syria and Afghanistan are involved too here – it seeks to claim the throne of anti-terrorism from the retreating West, to boost its own image. Meanwhile it happily interferes in US and French elections, poisons people on UK soil and invades its neighbors. Thus it creates a dissonance between the Western public and Western strategic planners – NATO analysts can clearly see that it is necessary to strike back and contain Russia, but is unable to due to fear of public backlash.
And thus, the final seal is placed – having secured a borderlands of safety and immobilized the West by causing chaos at home, it ensure than not even spontaneous action can threaten it, by preventing the West from being able to even define Kremlin’s goals.
So why is the “good tsar” so active?
Why does Russia insist on this chaos? What does it hope to achieve?
It’s important to remember that, once again, Putin is a Russian patriot, an imperial one in many regards. Furthermore, he has seen the fate of the Baltics and the fate of Yeltsin. Thus there isn’t really an economic principle behind Russia’s strategy, not truly an ideological one.
It is best to compare Russia to a country that is trying to play multipolar Great Power politics of the 19th century in the 21st century. It wants to secure its sphere of influence and prevent West from moving towards it. This has been one of many Putin’s and Lukashenko’s disagreements – while Lukashenko sees Belarus-Russia relationship as transactional, Putin sees it as patron-client, not unlike feudal systems of the past. All of this is in order to given Putin what he desires – stability, power, safety and a free hand to act as he desires. What does Putin desire? It is hard to tell, but perhaps it can be seen with his conflict with LGBTQ rights and feminism – perhaps it is traditionalism. Or perhaps as the paper puts it: “Confronted with a declining population, chronic social problems, weakening economic competitiveness, the corrosive effects of the “resource curse,” and the persistence of institutionalized corruption, the Kremlin faces power impediments in all directions. The subsequent response by the Putin regime to this challenge has been the prioritization of one goal: survival.”
Fundamentally though, it is vital to remember – Russia is a country with the GDP of Italy. International raiding and banditry are the strategy of the weaker power. In many regards it is not unlike an insurgency – Russia is betting on its enemies not committing fully and constraining themselves. It is a method for them to stay relevant in what Kremlin sees as Great Power competition. But it is only as effective as the West wants to let it be. As the paper I cite in the begging so well puts it: "Given the success of Putin’s “Promethean” gamble—and the Kremlin’s sustained reliance on it—Russian leaders are likely undervaluing the inherent risks of their strategy. This can be exploited.
Conclusions:
End note:
This effortpost more focuses on what Russia’s strategy is and what Russia is doing in the international sphere, less on exactly how this is achieved. This is because I believe that first we must at the very least agree on how Russia acts, and how pervasive its actions are. The recent restoration of Russia’s voting rights in the Council of Europe, despite occupation of Donbass and Crimea continuing, shows that, sadly, Kremlin’s role as a bad faith actor is not yet accepted. Those of you in Eastern Europe like myself will likely find large parts of this effortpost something you are already familiar with, or not necessary to be stated.
Thus, I’ll try to end this on a more positive note, one that will hopefully lead to another effortpost, one more concerned with what we, the West, can do.
Center for European Policy Analysis: “To date the West has not fully considered how its power can be brought to bear against the Kremlin’s vulnerabilities. Every strategy has a weakness—even chaos
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U.S. Tech Giants Bet Big on India. Now It’s Changing the Rules. New barriers make world’s biggest untapped digital market a slog for Walmart, Facebook; taking cues from China’s protectionism (WSJ)

https://www.wsj.com/articles/u-s-tech-giants-bet-big-on-india-now-the-rules-are-changing-11575386675?mod=hp_lead_pos5
U.S. Tech Giants Bet Big on India. Now It’s Changing the Rules.
New barriers make world’s biggest untapped digital market a slog for Walmart, Facebook; taking cues from China’s protectionism
By Newley Purnell
Dec. 3, 2019 10:24 am ET
NEW DELHI—After Walmart Inc. sealed a $16 billion deal last year to buy India’s biggest domestic e-commerce startup, it got some bad news. India was changing its e-commerce regulations.
Foreign-owned online retailers would need to modify their supply chains and stop deep discounting. Those rules didn’t apply to Indian companies.
India, the world’s biggest untapped digital market, has suddenly become a much tougher slog for American and other international players.
Over the past year, Indian policy makers have begun erecting roadblocks through special requirements for how U.S. tech companies structure their operations and handle data collected from Indian customers, according to industry executives and experts following the market.
Seeking to match China’s success at protecting and promoting homegrown tech giants, such as Alibaba Group Holding Ltd., Tencent Holdings Ltd. and TikTok parent Bytedance Inc., India is increasingly trying to shelter domestic companies. In the crosshairs, beyond Walmart, are firms including Amazon.com Inc., Alphabet Inc. ’s Google and Facebook Inc. and its WhatsApp messaging service.
Indian officials say they have an array of aims: protect small bricks-and-mortar businesses, secure user data and allow room for India’s own tech firms to grow. That smacks of protectionism to Western tech executives, who say India’s goals make it difficult to predict business conditions.
India’s moves come as populist sentiment rises globally and U.S. technology titans come under scrutiny around the world for their use of personal data and potentially anticompetitive tactics. Europe, too, has been cracking down on U.S. tech firms, although European Union officials say their efforts are driven more by regulatory goals than by any desire to protect local companies. Europe has few domestic tech titans.
India’s new rules apply to Flipkart Group, the Bangalore-based Amazon competitor that Walmart acquired to gain a foothold in India’s fast-growing e-commerce sector. They also affect Amazon, which is plowing $5 billion into India to expand its own operations.
In each sector where Indian bureaucrats are throwing up challenges, Indian companies stand to benefit.
“I know there are some who look to the Chinese model with admiration,” said Nick Clegg, a former deputy prime minister of Britain now serving as Facebook’s vice president for global affairs, in a talk at a New Delhi think tank in September. “They see the success of Chinese internet companies like Alibaba and TikTok and wonder if the same protectionist approach could reap rewards for India, too.” He called on India to reject that model.
The Indian government’s primary goal is to encourage economic growth, said Gunjan Bagla, managing director of Malibu, Calif.-based consulting firm Amritt Inc., which helps American firms do business in India. Policy makers there are struggling to get a handle on the rapid rate of “disruptive innovation by the likes of WhatsApp and Uber,” he said.
An Amazon spokeswoman said the company is working with Indian policy makers and will “watch closely as the country’s leadership sets its course for the future.” A Google spokesman said the company thinks “governments across the world need to look at striking the right balance to protect the interests of citizens and promote innovation.” Walmart declined to comment.
Indian policy makers have disputed that their actions aim to hobble foreign companies. They say they want to nurture domestic players and to protect data gathered in the country, which is why they are pushing for servers to be located on Indian soil.
“I have been very clear: We will never compromise our data sovereignty,” said Ravi Shankar Prasad, India’s communications, electronics and information technology minister, at a government conference in October.
A spokesman for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party denied the government was pursuing protectionist policies or making it hard for U.S. tech companies to operate. He said the government welcomes U.S. firms, but that they “cannot be allowed to indulge in anticompetitive practices,” referring to Amazon and Walmart competing with India’s mom-and-pop shops.
“Every country has data protection laws and regulatory mechanisms,” said the spokesman.
India represents the world’s biggest market for what executives refer to as the next billion users—consumers who have never searched or shopped online or made a digital payment.
There are 665 million internet users in India, according to the Telecom Regulatory Authority of India, meaning 685 million have yet to get online. Forrester Research Inc. projects Indian e-commerce sales to more than double to $68.4 billion by 2022, from $26.9 billion last year.
India has produced few startup unicorns—firms valued at $1 billion or more—that don’t face competition from American companies.
“One of the lessons they draw from China is that protectionism can work,” said Julian Gewirtz, a Harvard University researcher who studies China and has followed developments in India. “They see these huge companies that go public and are built on protectionism and state support. That is the most difficult argument to push back against.”
Indian tech entrepreneurs have a history of cloning American companies and giving them a local twist. In 2007, two former Amazon employees launched Flipkart, which quickly outpaced other Indian e-commerce sites. Digital-payments company Paytm, launched in 2010, allows consumers to use its app to pay for school fees and utility bills, much like PayPal Holdings Inc. does. India’s homegrown version of Uber Technologies Inc., ride-hailing startup ANI Technologies Pvt.’s Ola, launched in 2011.
Then the American titans began showing up. Amazon launched its India website in 2013. Walmart’s purchase of Flipkart came last year. Now Amazon and Flipkart command more than 80% of all online shopping sales, according to Morgan Stanley, leaving domestic players as also-rans.
Uber launched in India in 2013 and has captured significant market share from Ola. Ola co-founder Bhavish Aggarwal has accused Uber of “capital dumping,” or unfairly using its financial might to underprice rides to gain market share. An Uber spokesman declined to comment.
Google and Facebook, which have no sizable Indian rivals, dominate digital advertising. Facebook’s WhatsApp messaging service has become India’s default digital town square, used by family and friends to chat and by businesses to keep in touch with customers. It also has been used to spread rumors that have led to mob violence, leading to condemnation by government officials.
When Prime Minister Modi was elected in 2014, he pledged to improve India’s image as a place to do business. He eased foreign-direct-investment laws and replaced complicated taxes with a nationwide levy on goods and services.
During his re-election campaign last year, government officials began privately circulating draft policies on issues such as e-commerce and rules requiring data to be stored within the country.
Requiring local storage of data when computing is often done in the cloud could force U.S. companies to use Indian data centers. That might increase costs and raise the possibility that the Indian government would seek access.
India’s telecommunications regulator has been considering new rules that could force WhatsApp to allow the government access to messages on national-security grounds, or to trace messages that spur violence. WhatsApp has a policy of protecting user privacy with end-to-end encryption.
In February 2018, WhatsApp launched, for a limited number of users, a digital-payment service that runs on an Indian government platform that allows real-time money transfers. WhatsApp said at the time it hoped to expand it to all users in India soon.
Nearly two years later, WhatsApp has yet to receive government permission to do so—a blow to Facebook’s effort to wring revenue from WhatsApp in India, its biggest market. New Delhi says that is because WhatsApp’s plan wouldn’t comply with rules requiring all payments data to be kept inside the country.
A WhatsApp spokesman said the company already has “localized the required payments data and are awaiting government approval.”
One beneficiary of the stalled rollout is Paytm, the Indian digital-payments company.
Walmart had no warning that e-commerce regulations would change after its acquisition of Bangalore-based Flipkart Group. It and other U.S. e-commerce players sought clarifications after the Dec. 26 government announcement, according to people familiar with the issue.
In January, an influential Hindu nationalist economic group linked to Prime Minister Modi’s party asked him in a letter to resist any efforts by the American companies to push back against or evade the law. In a separate letter, a group representing Indian merchants threatened to initiate a nationwide boycott of Flipkart and Amazon if the new regulations weren’t enforced.
When Prime Minister Modi traveled to New York in September to attend the United Nations General Assembly, he met with U.S. chief executives and other business leaders and encouraged them to continue to invest in India. When it came time for executives to provide feedback, the first issue executives raised was data localization rules, according to people familiar with the matter. Prime Minister Modi’s office didn’t respond to requests for comment about the meeting.
E-commerce executives met with Piyush Goyal, India’s minister of commerce and industry, in New Delhi in June. Amit Agarwal, who heads Amazon’s India operations, and Kalyan Krishnamurthy, Flipkart’s chief executive, told Mr. Goyal they were dissatisfied with the tightening of e-commerce rules, according to people familiar with the matter. Spokespeople for Amazon and Flipkart declined to comment.
They told him they had invested heavily in India, educating consumers about the benefits of online shopping and boosting the sector for all firms. In effect, they said, they have created a huge online-shopping market from scratch.
Mr. Goyal responded that India needs marketplaces—open platforms for buying and selling that can be used by India’s mom-and-pop shops—not monolithic websites that act as single markets, people familiar with the meeting said.
Mr. Goyal told reporters in October that Prime Minister Modi’s government “is clear about standing together with the country’s small retailers. We worry for them, and we won’t let any harm to come to them.”
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‘They are us’ – an urgent, uncomfortable call to action

"By Morgan Godfery | Contributing writer March 13, 2020
A proper reckoning with March 15 2019 demands that we take up a generations-long struggle to destroy all the exclusions that make up our society and produce the conditions we know as racism. An essay by Morgan Godfery.
This work is made possible by Spinoff Members.

1

I was cleaning out the garage the other day and found an old Crusaders jersey. If I remember right it’s their team kit from 2005, the white knight sewn into the chest and the old Ford logo printed in the centre. The jersey itself is still as fresh as new paint, a novelty purchase from when we were passing through Christchurch on our way to Christmas in Oamaru. I was a year 9 in school and a Super 12 jersey was the kind of item you had, just so you could say you had one. This is about the same time it was still acceptable to whisper things like how the white players in the Crusaders were responsible for their team’s championship success, playing their footy with brains, and the problem with mid-table finishers like the Blues were too many brown boys who only knew how to throw their weight around.
I’m not quite white-passing, but my upper middle-class accent, generally preppy affect, and not-quite-pasty-not-quite-brown skin makes me ethnically ambiguous enough that people are happy to share their thoughts about big Polynesian units, Asian immigrants, Muslim terrorists, and the Jews. The first time I remember running into entirely casual racism was in Christchurch, on the way back from that Christmas in Oamaru, when a retail worker caught up with me on the street apologising for short-changing me in store. I didn’t realise or particularly care, but years later I thought about his apology. “Sorry, I just Jew-ed you”.
At the time it was nothing to me. In high school and later in my flat at Victoria that was just what people said. “Jewing” someone was a verb for ripping them off, taking an advantage, or just a way to give someone a bit of stick. In my experience it was especially popular with the Christ’s College boys, which probably has something to do with the city’s private schools inheriting their culture from Britain’s public schools. “A Jewish boy at a public school almost invariably had a bad time,” wrote Orwell in 1945. Things probably aren’t that much better in 2020. The other day I read an old mate – a private schooler too – on Facebook joking about how Jews are useless at sport.
I suspect for good liberals this is probably shocking. This isn’t language that ever sneaks through our circles. But outside of our cosy hermetic world words like coconut, boonga, fob, wog, gook, curry muncher, towelhead, the hundred variations on the N word, and “Jew” as more than a noun are common currency. The stains from that vocabulary seep into every part of the culture and society, and nothing much has ever been done to wash it out. The first time I remember encountering deliberate, menacing racism is on the rugby paddock when a white coach was yelling at my mate on the wing “run you BLACK bastard”. I thought about that moment when spectators in Christchurch were caught vilifying Fijian player Sake Aca in 2015, screaming from the stands “black cunt”.
Fandoms like to imagine their sports, multicultural rugby especially, as pure and independent realms (“a level playing field”) absent race, politics, or any disadvantage other than skill. It’s a seductive argument, I’ll concede that much, but it’s so self-evidently false it still surprises me every time someone insists on it earnestly. Sport? Not racist? In 2012 talkback callers and trolls went after then Blues coach Pat Lam and his family for the great crime of simply being Polynesian. In 2010 former All Black Andy Haden was put through the wringer for telling media the Crusaders only recruit a maximum three “darkies”, presumably to preserve the team’s famous brain-brawn balance.
Even in the laudatory histories New Zealand rugby was, and probably remains, a notorious nexus for down home conservatives, know-nothing administrators, and out and out racists. In 1960 the rugby union sent the All Blacks on tour to Apartheid South Africa, waving the team off without any Māori players or officials in a remarkable sop to the country’s colour bar. In 1976 the national team were sent back, this time defying international calls to cut sporting ties with the racist state. In protest at the tour more than twenty African countries led a boycott at that year’s Olympics, a moral stand that should perpetually shame New Zealand Rugby. Not racist? As if.
In an ideal world the Canterbury Crusaders would study this history, carefully considering whether their decision to retain the team name is another brick in rugby’s wall of shame. The managers might consider how “deus vult”, meaning God wills it, a battle cry from the first Crusade, and “Acre 1189”, a reference to a siege in the third Crusade, are URL shorthands and postscripts for white supremacist users constructing a historiography for their neo-fascist movement. The managers might also reflect on how real-life white supremacists in countries like Brazil, Norway, and Australia are adopting the Knights Templar, the Christian warrior monks who made up the crusading hordes, and the literal white knight that was formerly the Canterbury team’s logo, as their saints.
📷
CRUSADERS MASCOTS AT AMI STADIUM IN CHRISTCHURCH IN 2019. PHOTO: DAVID ROGERS/GETTY IMAGES. FEATURE IMAGE: FRIDAY PRAYERS AT AL NOOR MOSQUE ON MARCH 22, 2019. PHOTO BY SANKA VIDANAGAMA/NURPHOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES
As it happens the team’s managers, after kicking the issue to a “market research” firm shortly after March 15, made the call to save the name. It’s an unconscionable decision, for obvious reasons, but the team bosses seem cognitively incapable of reasoning through the issue and its implications beyond mere “branding”. In a statement announcing the name-stay the team’s PR people wrote “for us, the Crusaders name is a reflection of the crusading spirit of this community,” as if it’s possible to just reframe the holy war using a press release. It’s a cretinous thing to do when not even a year earlier an alleged shooter undertook a massacre at the Al Noor and Linwood mosques as part of his own “crusade”.
A28-year-old man is before the High Court facing 52 murder charges relating to the events of March 15. What we know about his life is little, save the things he was curating about himself online, which in this essay I treat with caution and scepticism. But it seems clear enough the Australian citizen was an obsessive for the Crusades, scribbling references to the religious war for the Holy Land across the weapon police accuse the man of using to carry out the massacre. Investigative reports note in his pilgrimage to Europe the 28-year-old – who pleaded not guilty to all charges – made particular visits to Christian-Muslim battlegrounds in the former Ottoman Empire, apparently as a tribute to the crusading warmongers he was so keen to match.
To outsiders the obsession with this particular historical episode is probably bizarre, if not creepy. But in the nether world this man and his neo-fascist comrades inhabit they imagine they’re acting out the thesis and title in Samuel P Huntington’s The Clash of Civilisations. In his 1993 essay the American political scientist argues that in the immediate past global conflicts were between warring ideological factions – capitalism and communism – but post-Cold War conflict will centre between clashing civilisations. The West vs the rest. Christianity vs Islam. The Crusades II.
In Huntington’s telling, and in the alleged shooter’s head, the West and the Islamic world are fated to compete. Yet that competition won’t centre over economic issues like stable oil supply lines, or even political issues like the territorial integrity of Western allies in the Middle East, instead the clash is meant to happen over Islam’s apparently regressive values and the West’s progressive tradition. It’s a striking thesis, especially for the generals and politicians who were hunting for cover for their military adventures in the Middle East and East Africa in the late 80s and early 90s. But it was always a notion that was impossible to apply, reducing the Islamic world to a series of stereotypes (it never had its enlightenment) and setting it against an equally reductive West (it did have its enlightenment).
The late Edward Said, the Palestinian scholar, cut right to the heart of Huntington’s argument in identifying it wasn’t an argument at all – rather, he was “a partisan, an advocate of one so-called civilisation over all others” who maps billions of people into “vague” and “manipulable” abstractions and then presents it as a true account of the world. “Thus to build a conceptual framework around the notion of us-versus-them is in effect to pretend that the principal consideration is epistemological and natural – our civilisation is now and accepted, theirs is different and strange – whereas in fact the framework separating us from them is belligerent, constructed, and situational.”
In other words, the thing separating the Christian us from the Islamic them, to the extent a clean separation is possible at all, is history – of colonialism, of Cold War power politics – and not immutable categories like “the West” or “the East”. That the categories exist at all are a function of history and political convenience, not a universal law stipulating conflict as the only end. Yet for the neo-fascists like the alleged shooter every thought they cherish orbits this particular rock: that the entire Islamic world is one dirty blob of terrorism, rape, and invasion, and that all its more than one billion members act with a single purpose and co-ordination unknown in the entire history of humanity.
But why commit to a dichotomy so obviously stupid at all? The 28-year-old grew up in Grafton, a waterway town in northern New South Wales, and in his time on the Eastern seaboard it seems unlikely he ever actually met many Muslim people at all. In his own family’s account they were just ordinary Aussies. It’s impossible to interrogate the claim – every family thinks itself the norm and we can’t penetrate their private lives to investigate how true it is – yet the family were probably ordinary in one sense. They were unremarkable. Just another white family. The alleged shooter’s parents were in traditional jobs. Mum a teacher. Dad a rubbish man.
The people who were closest to him – cousins, old school mates – pinpoint his OE to Europe as “the moment”. As RNZ reports in his manifesto the alleged shooter recounts his trip through North Korea and Pakistan, paying tribute to the locals’ kindness and hospitality (noticing the contradiction he explains he doesn’t hate the yellows and blacks who stay in their own “homelands”). Eventually he lands in Europe, road tripping France. In one passage he despairs that he can’t seem to find an all-white town or city. In another passage his travels take him, quite conveniently, to a cemetery for the European dead of the world wars. “I broke into tears, sobbing alone in the car,” he writes, mourning the apparent Islamification of Europe. “Why were we allowing these soldiers deaths to be in vain?”
He didn’t realise that the dead he mourned died trying to kill people like him.
In 2018 I wrote (presciently, without claiming too much credit for an insight this awful) that “white nationalism is, for the basement dwelling 4chaners, mouth breathing Redditors, and Youtube philosopher kings, nothing more than a desperate search for an alternative fatherland”. That search is what drove the alleged shooter from his Australian home. “The origin of my language is European, my culture is European, my political beliefs are European… most importantly, my blood is European”. To the alleged shooter his actual home was irredeemable. “What is an Australian but a drunk European?”
In each claim is a desperate narcissism, reaching for an imaginary identity when your existing accomplishments don’t match your personal ambitions. It’s tempting to extend that psychoanalysis. The alleged shooter’s fetish for imaginary “whites” is a cover for the trauma of being a nothing, disembodied. Or maybe the urge to order and rank the world into competing civilisations is a neurosis, like stacking your knives and forks in a row. Perhaps the pleasure he takes in trolling is jouissance, a momentary transgression in the service of briefly feeling. Yet those readings are weightless if they stand alone. The alleged shooter’s interior life is relevant, certainly so for a conviction on murder, but studying the actually existing politics that shaped his positions and actions seems more important than base speculation.
In The Invention of Tradition the historians Terence Ranger and Eric Hobsbawm argue that traditions, far from the ancient wisdoms of old, are often nothing more than recent beliefs that help foster a common identity when – to borrow from Said – “organic solidarities” like the family or village break down. The inventions are easy to spot in the courts and parliament where British ritual connects the two institutions to a pedigree and past that their move half away across the world broke. In the neo-fascist movement the inventions are slightly more subtle, taking actual historical happenings like the Crusades and pick-and-mixing the symbols (Knights Templar), battles (Acre 1189), and language (deus vult) that they can contort around the various anti-Muslim bigotries.
The idea that traditions are a kind of stand-in where old connections break down seems especially apt in settler colonies where the relationship to the past and a present community often amounts to nothing more than a shopping list of shared habits and references. Gumboots as culture. I appreciate that description could come across as banal, or even malicious, but it gets close to the impulses apparently guiding the alleged shooter: the search for meaningful political connections and political community. As he saw it Australia had no identity to offer. Instead he found his connection in an “imagined community” – in violent European nationalisms – and online.
“I am a racist”, the man writes in his manifesto. His neo-fascists comrades were too.

2

One of the first inspirations he cites is Luca Traini, a 28-year-old Italian neo-Nazi who, with a 9mm glock, went on a drive-by shooting injuring six African migrants in Macarata in 2018. The racist rampage lit a fuse under that year’s Italian general election. The left went after Matteo Salvini, the League Party leader, the same party in which Traini stood as a mayoral list candidate, for inspiring his violent work. In an ordinary election a political leader would make an immediate climb down, condemning Traini and his crimes. But Salvini, best known in the English-speaking world for closing harbours to refugees crossing the Med, was surprisingly consistent. He said the left had “blood on its hands” for packing the country with “illegal migrants”. The unspoken implication: Traini was doing his patriotic duty.
The alleged shooter, watching on from another hemisphere, found a brother in arms. The two men had built their identities around all the same hatreds and had clothed their boogeymen in all the same threads. One stitch for migrant “invaders”. Two stiches for liberals and Marxists, and a needle for the “race traitors” among them. But where the twin gunmen’s hatred really met, transforming from online big noting to a real-life passion, was in protecting “their” women. Traini undertook his crime as an apparent act of revenge against the three Nigerian refugees in court for killing 18-year-old Pamela Mastropietro.
In his manifesto the alleged shooter offers a similar provocation, taking 11-year-old Ebba Akerlund’s death as his red pill. In his self-mythologising, the Stockholm truck attack, a deadly terrorist attack that took Akerlund’s and four other lives, was his waking moment. “It was another terror attack in the seemingly never-ending attacks that had been occurring on a regular basis throughout my adult life,” he wrote. “But for some reason this was different”. What was that difference? Akerlund. An innocent. It’s a vile misuse – he doesn’t care for anyone or anything beyond himself – but the narrative demands an affect, the shooter turning in his coward’s rags for a knight’s armour.
For neo-fascists it’s essential to tell their origin stories through the opposite sex. For aspiring movement leaders like the alleged shooter it’s the fight to protect the “virtue” of “our women” against “Muslim rapists” that forces their hand. For lurkers, shitposters, and like-avores it’s the feminists and “Staceys” who never recognise the genius and vigour of their own race (plain meaning: “women don’t want me”) who lead them into fascism. Santa Barbara shooter Elliot Rodger, a martyr for beta males, undertook his crimes and suicide as an apparent act of “retribution” against women for denying him the sex and love he thought of as his by right.
This, not the customary declarations of love for the race, or even the thrill of sharing the same enemies, is usually the heart of online fascism – it’s a reaction against women.
In Male Fantasies the German sociologist Klaus Theweleit argues the fascist men who fought against the Weimar Republic from 1918 to 1933, and who went on to prominent positions and a political home in the Nazi regime, were in their heads and hearts afraid of women. For the “Freikorps” there were two womanly classes: White Women, “the nurses” representing order and servitude to men and country; and Red Women, “the communists” representing disorder, whoring, and the end of patriotic men. The latter were the women the paramilitary movement were under an obligation to kill. In one speech a general complains that when “a few old girls get blown up the whole world starts screaming about bloodthirsty soldiers”.
“As if women were always innocent,” he said.
This is why every fascist movement purges women first – metaphorically and actually. In Ruth Ben-Ghiat’s Italian Fascism’s Empire Cinema the American historian describes how films under the Duce’s regime “remove the Italian woman from the colonial space”, portraying the colonies as where men might find purpose through trans-national thuggery, and attacking women’s emancipation at home as a “corrupting” force and a check on the people’s success. The alleged shooter undertook his killings with similar illusions. That he could forge a new identity in gun fire and blood, and that liberated women (and Jews) were responsible for his personal and racial decline. In his manifesto the opening line is “it’s the birth rates”, repeated three times.
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THE WELLINGTON 15/3 VIGIL HELD AT THE BASIN RESERVE (PHOTO BY ELIAS RODRIGUEZ/GETTY IMAGES)
It’s easy to diagnose the same pathologies in his comrades. Game developers Zoë Quinn, Brianna Wu and media critic Anita Sarkeesian – the victims in 2014’s Gamergate troll – were made targets for harassment for no other reason than they were women crossing the border between a man’s stuff (the spacies) and a woman’s role (sex and housework). In New Zealand the death threats against Golriz Ghahraman, our first MP who arrived in New Zealand as a refugee, are so frequent Parliamentary Services ensures special protection for the Green MP. The critics go after Ghahraman for everything from fakery (her “CV” is a lie, she isn’t a “real refugee”) to acting as part of a globalist conspiracy to wipe out the white race. It’s impressively stupid, of course, but the point isn’t the truth in the charges. It’s that an Iranian-born woman sits in our parliament.
The same trolls go for the prime minister on Twitter’s #TurnArdern hashtag too, condemning Jacinda as a lazy woman (#parttimePM) who coasts along on nothing more than her femininity (“she’s a pretty communist”). That’s hardly out of the ordinary, of course. In the 2000s print commentators were comfortable enough to throw equally chauvinist slurs at Helen Clark, using “Helengrad” for Clark as the controlling woman and “political dominatrix” for ball-breaking the men around her. The difference is today’s trolls serve their sexism with Islamophobia on top. Last year activist Rangi Kemara found a telling correlation between tweeters of Turn Ardern and tweeters of Islamophobia. The Christchurch man selling MAGA hats – “Make Ardern Go Away” – on TradeMe once wrote he would destroy “mosque after mosque till I am taken out”.
Give me the misogynist, to corrupt an old saying, and I’ll show you the Islamophobe.
Simone Weil, the French philosopher, would recognise in the turn to Europe – and the turn against women – a classic “uprooting”. In almost every country material comfort and security often rely on cutting the cord between a person, the past, and a present community: removing Indigenous people from their land; separating citizens from their homes and families in one place for work in another; and reducing people to their supposedly “innate” categories (race, gender, etc). These uprootings, in Weil’s words, are a “sickness of the soul” that leave men especially vulnerable to demagoguery. In their search for past and present connections they turn to “false conceptions” like patriotism and national greatness, and at the core of each in 2020: hatred for and fear of women.

3

What’s notable about this neo-fascist movement isn’t necessarily its reach but its mode. Online, yes, but more importantly: politically free. Other than finance, the alleged shooter had no political or bureaucratic restraints. He could post all the tell-tale things he apparently did, and it seemed neither the police nor the spy agencies would ever flag it. He could acquire the semi-automatic weapon the Crown charge him with using with nothing more than a gun licence – and the seller was under no obligation to log the purchase. And he could move between Australia and New Zealand’s practically open borders with only a passport and a straight face for the eGate.
I hope you register the irony in this. Borders were the very thing the alleged shooter was desperate to enforce against the Muslim hordes. After moving to New Zealand, ostensibly to plan an attack back home, the 28-year-old found instead that “the invaders were in all of our lands”. Even at the bottom of the world in formerly lily-white Christchurch. “Nowhere was safe”, he wrote. The alleged shooter, in a bonfire of pomposity and self-regard, actually did think himself at the centre of a civilisational struggle between the out-bred West and Islam. In the mind of the manifesto writer, massacring Muslims would enforce the borders the supposed sell outs in government wouldn’t.
But in allegedly killing the innocent people he did he wasn’t taking on a powerful soon-to-be majority. Rather, on one side is the 28-year-old with all his political and social freedoms, and on the other are the shooting’s victims who were living their lives under significant political and social restraints. The spy agencies were dedicating their resources to “Islamic terrorism”, not the alleged shooter’s terrorism. Police commit more resources to “street gangs” – that is, Māori – and barely even bother with the alleged shooter’s brothers and sisters in white power. The immigration department, as any anecdote can confirm, focuses disproportionate attention on non-white entries, and the only people who move freely between borders are people like the 28-year-old.
In short: non-white people live their lives under scrutiny and surveillance.
The government’s official response to the Christchurch shooting is to extend that scrutiny and surveillance to, well, white people. Jacinda Ardern is leading reforms to gun laws and the rules governing how online users share violent, racist, and other objectionable material. Last month the country’s top spies told a parliamentary select committee that they’re keeping watch on dozens of suspect characters. Police, even a year on, are still making home visits to destroy illegal weapons and otherwise interview lurkers and posters. The changes, taken together, rightly remove the freedom and options the alleged shooter had, and make it almost impossible for his comrades to organise.
Yet as good and necessary as those changes are some of the structural conditions that produce the racial distinctions the alleged shooter holds so dear are left intact.
In organised debating one of the famous moots is the “balloon debate”. In it each speaker, usually arguing on behalf of someone famous, proposes why the others shouldn’t toss him or her over the side of a hot air balloon in order to save the others. It’s a riveting hypothetical, placing six people in disaster’s mouth and exercising the collective choice to doom one and rescue the others. But for anyone who understands how it feels to have their apparent merits and demerits subject to “debate”, with someone else drawing up a balance sheet in red and black, it’s horrendous. The idea is we’re born equal, but after that all bets are off. This is what women, takatāpui, Māori, Muslims, and other deviations from the “norm” deal with most days.
Are we worthy?
It’s the same principle that organises immigration to New Zealand: who’s worthy? In our system the government literally attaches “points” to the world’s hopeful according to their potential for improving the lives of the hosts. Good English? Points. A tertiary qualification? Add to the tally. Assets? You’re basically in. The system’s political champions admire this approach for its rationality. Unlike the US where immigration sometimes relies on a lottery – eg the American Diversity Immigrant Visa – or just keen racism – i.e. the Muslim travel ban – New Zealand immigration is hassle-free and non-discriminatory.
It’s a self-serving argument, of course, because an immigration system where the purpose and function is defining inclusions and exclusions (who’s in and who’s out) is never neutral. When Winston Peters calls for tighter English language requirements, for example, that’s really an argument for conferring an advantage on applicants from the Anglosphere over people with equivalent skills or greater need from other parts of the world. This isn’t explicitly discriminatory, at least in the sense the exclusionary threshold doesn’t depend on a person’s race, but the impact is racist in that one group of people (mostly white) enjoy an advantage over another group (mostly non-white) thanks to nothing more than the great good fortune of being born an English speaker.
It’s a perversity. Yet this is what border systems, including our points system, do: they force you to think about inners and outers. The threshold between the worthy and the unworthy. This is one reason the refugee-led campaign to end the “family link policy” was so important. In removing the rule barring African and Middle Eastern refugees from settling in New Zealand (unless their family were already here) the campaigners saw to one of the worst racial exclusions our border system made. If you’re an optimist you might hope the other racist exclusions in our border laws – like The Citizenship (Western Samoa) Act, the legislation stripping Samoans of their Privy Council-confirmed New Zealand citizenship – are but a campaign away from abolition.
I’m a pessimist.
I suspect most people imagine borders as objects, a line in the ground demarcating our country from theirs. Yet the American southern border, as one example, is notable more for “the Wall’s” absence than its presence. The northern border is even less dramatic, a largely wide-open space with fences here and there to pen in the farm animals. In New Zealand airlines usually enforce the country’s borders thousands of kilometres from our actual line on the map. Under the Advance Passenger Screening programme carriers only board passengers with the appropriate documentation.
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A POLICE OFFICER DEMONSTRATES ILLEGAL GUN MODIFICATIONS. (PHOTO: RNZ / ANA TOVEY)
It’s another marvellous technocratic achievement, appointing airline staff as de facto border patrol agents. But like the points system the screening programme’s impacts can end up perverse and racial making it almost impossible for refugees and asylum seekers from “non-visa waiver countries” (i.e. the developing world) from ever making it far enough to lodge a claim for protection in New Zealand. The programme, more than anything else, exposes borders for what they really are – a list of biased inclusions and exclusions – and the structural violence borders perform are in whom they include (the English-speaking, the educated, the wealthy) and who they exclude (the desperate, the poor, the mostly brown and black).
The alleged shooter and the neo-fascist movement understand a struggle is happening over the nature and function of borders. This man recognised new borders – the “balkanisation of the US” – as the only way to guarantee “the future of the White race on the North American continent”. His comrades, like the neo-Nazi who went on a stabbing riot on a train in Oregon, claim their end goal is smashing the US into competing ethno-states. For them – and their king in President Trump – reconfiguring the borders, whether as policy changes to the inclusions and exclusions or new border lines entirely, is the best way to guarantee their political supremacy this century.
Are borders by their very nature racist?

4

I took my last trip to Christchurch a month and a half after March 15. I had a speaking engagement with Network Waitangi Otautahi, the local tauiwi Treaty group. I thought about putting it off. Post-March 15 the only conversations that seem urgent and necessary are about March 15. Taking up space felt wrong, and even stepping off the plane felt intrusive. The city was grieving. Even the affect was off. People were unusually quiet in public spaces. In private one person I spoke to was literally in tears. We weren’t talking about March 15 at all but she was thinking about it every day. Even that felt like I was taking up space. Am I here to grieve too? I thought about Sam Neill breaking down in a taxi when the news broke, openly weeping, and how he took comfort from his Muslim driver.
Hmmm.
I spoke, in the end. Not entirely comfortably, but an intervention of one kind or another felt right after the racism debate went from “individual hate” to “firearms access” to “the internet”. Each is its own valid connection, sure, but it felt as if all the most important connections were missing. In the English-speaking world it’s fashionable to name private, individual acts as “racist”. The intolerant, unfair, or simply racial things that fall out of people’s mouths. Like “cheeky darkies” on the 7pm telly. But it’s unfashionable, of course, to name racist systems. Instead bureaucrats and opinion-makers opt for euphemisms like “unconscious bias”, reducing racism to a state of mind and not a systemic design.
This is why I thought it important to issue a reminder, in the very small way that I could: racism is a social relation. It’s the principle governing the relationship between coloniser – the people who took this land and built the institutions to control and profit from it – and colonised, the people from whom the land was taken and the institutions built to protect and exploit the founding theft. The same principle shapes the relationship between citizens – people who enjoy all the rights the state confers – and non-citizens, outsiders who must prove their worth through their contribution to citizens.
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These are the systemic conditions that produce racism – unequal power relations – and it’s what makes it so easy to condemn the Māoris or the immigrants or whoever else. When one people are up and the other are down, and the scales are apparently resistant to any remedial attempts to balance them with Treaty settlements or an increase in the refugee and asylum seeker quota, it makes it seem as if their disadvantage is a state of nature and not a centuries-long project to exclude certain people from prosperity. To the alleged shooter his victims were by their very nature irredeemable, abusing the West’s generosity, and he understood himself as enacting the same permanent exclusions his ancestors made, from the Crusades to the war on terror.
In this sense, the alleged shooter was an individual racist. Of course he was. But in another sense he was taking our exclusionary systems to their logical end.
Is there any response to savagery like this? The government’s reforms are one. I entirely support them. And yet they fall so short. People will still define their identity in different nationalisms, just like the alleged shooter did, so long as there are racist border system to enforce them. Neo-fascists will still define their identities against women as long as there is an unequal “domestic sphere”, an unequal workplace, and a society where one group – men – accumulate and exercise disproportionate power over another – women, trans people, non-binary people. That makes the struggle against the alleged shooter’s politics longer than his trial, his probable conviction, and his probable imprisonment. It’s a generations-long struggle to destroy all the exclusions that make up our society and produce the conditions we know as racism.
On my read Simone Weil’s original, vital insight is that as people and communities we find our identities in the obligations we owe – and in the obligations owed to us. In those reciprocal relationships we find meaning and purpose. In the give and take, in its delights and frustrations, and in the everyday work of making a home in these islands. This is where we find our roots, connecting to each other in different ways – whether as Māori or women or Muslims – but never excluding. “They are us” is an inclusion. They are us is an affirmation. They are us is also an urgent and uncomfortable call to action. As New Zealanders, it’s our responsibility to take on every exclusionary system, whether it’s racist borders or enduring gender roles. The memory of those who lost their lives on March 15 demands no less."
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